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Dixie Chickens, Hackers & Co.

by Jonah Goldberg Tuesday, Apr. 29, 2003 at 11:20 AM

Adventures in free speech.

There have been several times over the last five years when Rich Lowry has flatly refused to publish something I've written for his paper magazine. Despite the fact that his actions made it impossible for me to democratically express myself in a manner of my choosing, I've failed to stand up to such tyranny. I allowed my free speech to be chilled like a can of Pabst Blue Ribbon in the back of my mini-fridge. What I should have done is stood up to such censorship. I should have fought back. I should pose naked somewhere.

Oh sure, I know. The Dixie Chicks have already done that. But I can tell you right now, a picture of this sweaty bloated apparatus with words like "traitor" and "don't inflate past 300 PSI" stenciled strategically all over the place would send a much more powerful message.

Hold on, let me turn down the feed on the sarcasm.

Okay now, what was this about free speech being under attack in America? Maybe I didn't hear right because I just don't get it. Some cute country-western chicks who've been sheepishly sliding into the alternative-rock category for years — presumably for the intelligence-bequeathing thick-glasses women in the genre get to wear — said something snarky about the president of the United States to a foreign audience on the brink of war: "we're ashamed that the President of the United States is from Texas." Not exactly "J'Accuse" or the Pentagon Papers, but whatever.

The fans got mad. Some radio stations stopped running music by the Dixie Chicks. In other words, it was the "End of Freedom," the "Handmaid's Tale" set to the background music of an Applebee's in Chattanooga, Tennessee. As is always the case with such hysteria, fractions of other stories — Tim Robbins at the Hall of Fame, Martin Sheen's self-martyrdom, Michael Moore's asininity, Madonna's video — and other complaints were mixed together with ample paranoia and liberal pundit opportunism to form a single narrative. Or, in this case to continue a narrative which has been running since the very first days of the war on terrorism. Within days of the Twin Towers coming down, journalists who couldn't bring themselves to talk about the real threat to America went with what they knew: the tyranny of right-wing conservatives. "Something is burning this week, but it's not the site of the former World Trade Center," wrote Cynthia Cotts of the Village Voice in September of 2001. "It's what's left of the First Amendment — and every self-respecting journalist should sign up for the rescue mission."

And so many did. Like airborne special forces, they load up with all of the useful metaphors, allusions, and adjectives — chilling effect, backlash, Orwellian, fascism, censorship — and then toss them around without much precision or care. That's the great thing about hand grenades, you don't have to be accurate. The New York Times's Paul Krugman got his dress so high over his head about all of it, he compared some radio-show stunt in a parking lot with Dixie Chick albums to the book burnings which marked the Nazi rise to power. Ah, subtlety, thy name is Krugman.

Now, I don't want to belabor this point, but there is something remarkably obvious that needs to be said. In countries where actual free speech is threatened, where fascism or Orwellian thought control are the order of the day, the victims of the backlash don't typically go on to pose naked on the cover of a magazine, mock their critics, and score exclusive primetime interviews on national TV as well as, literally, thousands of write-ups in magazines and newspapers across the country. It's just not the way it works in … hmmm I dunno, let's say, for example's sake, Saddam Hussein's Iraq. Over there people whocriticized the president received different treatment. Over there, if I were to mention at the local bazaar, for instance, that Saddam Hussein dyes his mustache, I might expect a knock on the door later that evening from some men. One of them might grab my tongue with a pair of pliers and then, without anesthetic, slice my tongue off before I was carted off to jail for an unknown and unknowable period of time.

And I guess — just for giggles — I should mention that Saddam's regime would still be doing this sort of thing today if we lived in the sort of crazy mixed-up world where people take the Dixie Chicks, Tim Robbins, and Martin Sheen seriously.

FREE SPEECH VS. INTIMIDATION

And speaking of Tim Robbins, since he seems to be the newly appointed court intellectual of the crowd which starts every day with a high-colonic, decaffeinated chai tea, and the latest issue of Mother Jones, let's take this just a bit further. In his speech to the National Press Club, Robbins declared that any instance of intimidation to free speech should be battled against." He told the assembled journalists that they are the only hope of "Millions [who] are watching and waiting in mute frustration and hope — hoping for someone to defend the spirit and letter of our Constitution, and to defy the intimidation that is visited upon us daily in the name of national security and warped notions of patriotism."

And lest you think Robbins is alone on this point, noted political philosopher Madonna voiced a similar point after voluntarily pulling her latest video from the airwaves. "It's ironic that we were fighting for democracy in Iraq," she explained, "because we ultimately aren't celebrating democracy here. Anybody who has anything to say against the war or against the president or whatever is punished, and that's not democracy."

Indeed, this is the official position of the Hollywood bureaucracy. When Martin Sheen was out there reminding the public that in real life he's the sort of guy who'd call the president he plays on TV a racist warmonger, some advertisers suggested that maybe they didn't want their cars or baby formula associated with him. The Screen Actors Guild, the Writer's Guild and the other protection rackets which serve to regulate and prohibit the speech of writers not in their club, issued blistering denunciations. "Some have recently suggested that well-known individuals who express 'unacceptable' views should be punished by losing their right to work," SAGs whined. "This shocking development suggests that the lessons of history have, for some, fallen on deaf ears." SAG went on: "With a painfully clear appreciation of history, we deplore the idea that those in the public eye should suffer professionally for having the courage to give voice to their views."

Sigh.

Okay, let's recap. "Intimidation" of free speech is a moral horror. Democracy means never being criticized. And, the refusal to sponsor speech you don't like amounts to having one's "right to work" repealed. This is childish. Oh, I don't mean childish as in silly, I mean literally this is childish. This is the way children talk and think, especially in our gitchy-goo self-esteem culture. Not understanding the difference between their desires and rights, they insist they are entitled to do whatever it is they are doing. No matter what they do with their crayons, children expect to be told "That's so good. Good for you." Any criticism elicits a tantrum about the unfairness of it all. Maybe it's because Hollywood types live as King Babies and are never told they're wrong about anything, or maybe their view of democracy is one in which they are the customers of expensive restaurants and the rest of the world are simply waiters. Waiters are supposed to receive criticism with intelligence and geniality but never, ever, talk back.

When Madonna says that democracy is undermined whenever critics of the president are criticized, it makes me wonder what kind of train wreck her interpretation of the Kabbalah must be. Sheen and his defenders want to be simultaneously saluted for their "courage" to speak out while at the same time believe they there should be no risks for those who do speak out. Well, if there are no risks, where's the courage? And why should movie stars have a right to risk-free political speech when no other profession has anything close? If I owned a hardware store and put a sign in the window reading, "Down with Bush" — I'd lose business. Or, if I put one in the window saying "Down with Saddam!" I'd also lose business. This is because other people have the right to associate themselves with ideas just as much as movie stars have the right to express their "ideas." Only by the logic of the bitchy little world we call Hollywood, where even men are divas, would we say it's outrageous that store owners are having their "right" to sell three-penny nails revoked.

Consider what's going on with Rick Santorum. By making an argument about constitutional law and homosexuality — one I disagree with, by the way — he's invited charges of "bigotry" from all sides. He's been asked to step down from his leadership position. Compared to racists and others who've crossed the line of political correctness, Santorum has received a firestorm of grief for having the "courage" to say what he believes. And yet, he's never claimed that his free speech has been violated or intimidated or his right to work challenged. Of course, Tim Robbins might say, "but he's a politician." "So what?" I might say in response. There isn't a special Bill of Rights for politicians. What goes for him goes for everybody. If Santorum loses his job because of what he said, I don't see how it would be any more or any less of an outrage than if Martin Sheen, Janeane Garofalo, or the Dixie Chicks lose a few bucks. And if Robbins is so miffed about his "censorship" by professional baseball, I assume he's outraged about what happened to John Rocker was fined, suspended and harrassed for real. I didn't necessarily like everything Rocker had to say, but then again I'm not the guy who pounds the table about free speech protections for those with unpopular views.

Frederick Douglas noted that those who want democracy to be always and everywhere polite "want rain without thunder and lightning." The liberal Hollywood crowd doesn't even want that. They just want the thunder and lightning for the other guys, not for them.

DARK INTRUDER

Speaking of free speech for me but not for thee, you may have heard that NRO was hacked over the weekend by someone who can neither spell well nor tolerate the free expression of views he disagrees with. The homepage went down for part of Sunday and was replaced with a message reading "Hacked by DarkHunter ... Freedom for palestian and Iraq ... gr33tz to #USG and #teso channels." Maybe the radio signals in this guy's fillings garbled the text.

Anyway, I thought about delivering a "we're gonna get you, sucker!" diatribe and a defiant call-to-arms like Cyrus in The Warriors: You can't stop NRO! Caaaaannn youuuuu diiiiigggg itttt!?" But you know what? That's what these date-less wonders want: some attention. I'm sure this guy or someone else with too much time on his hands could hack us again if they were determined to do it. As the old adage goes, you can't stop someone from making a jackass of himself forever. So, good for you DarkHunter, I'm sure your inflatable wife and dog are very impressed.

I don't want to be too critical lest I intimidate his right to free speech.

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Jonah Goldberg

by Dr. Sigmund Fruit Tuesday, Apr. 29, 2003 at 11:28 AM

Wow. What a zionist nutcase. If only his brain were half as big as his nose.
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Jonah and the ....

by Meyer London Tuesday, Apr. 29, 2003 at 12:46 PM

Where's that whale now that we need him - or her?
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nose size

by Meyer London Tuesday, Apr. 29, 2003 at 2:32 PM

Judging from that comment, you don't have any trouble carrying your head around on your shoulders, either.
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Dr Fruit and ML

by daveman Tuesday, Apr. 29, 2003 at 3:12 PM

Do you guys have a problem with Jonah's article?

Or his name?

Do you have any rebuttal to his point, that celebrities feel they have special rights to freedom of expression just because they're famous?

I'm just dying to know...
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davemoron

by daveman=zionazi Tuesday, Apr. 29, 2003 at 3:19 PM

I guess the only celebrities who have special rights to freedom of expression are those such as Dennis Miller and Bruce Willis, right davie boy?
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You obviously don't understand...

by daveman Tuesday, Apr. 29, 2003 at 3:38 PM

...Jonah's point.

The anti-war celebrities are confusing disagreement with repression...in other words, if you disagree with them, you're really supressing their rights.

And that's a steaming load of hippo dung.

What the Dixie Chicks et. al. fail to realize is that people (their former fans, specifically) are exercising their freedom of expression by NOT buying or listening to the Chicks' music. No one is getting repressed, no one is having their rights trampled on. They're just losing a few bucks...but hey, that's America. Market forces at work. Don't want to be held accountable for what you say? Don't say anything.

You even have the right to call me a Zionazi if you choose. And I have the right to call you a flaming idiot in return. See how simple that is? Everybody's exercising their rights, even though we disagree. Yay!

Now...what's so hard to understand?

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davemoron

by daveman=zionazi Tuesday, Apr. 29, 2003 at 3:42 PM

"And I have the right to call you a flaming idiot in return."

And I have the right to call you an ASSHATTED CLOWN.

Now...what's so hard to understand?

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Nothing at all.

by daveman Tuesday, Apr. 29, 2003 at 3:52 PM

You would rather hurl pointless insults than discuss the issue.

I understand that perfectly.
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daveman

by fresca Tuesday, Apr. 29, 2003 at 3:53 PM

Go blow a camel.
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celebrities

by Meyer London Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 6:07 AM

Daveman, I know of no "celebrities" who claim that they have rights to speak out on public issues that other people don't have. They have the same rights as other people, and they are exercising them - what is the problem that you and that Jonah clown have with that? So-called celebrities have been speaking out for as long as I remember; for example, I can clearly remember John Wayne, Bob Hope, Martha Raye and John Steinbeck speaking out in favor of the Vietnam War back around 1967, and I certainly don't remember any right-wingers complaining about that.
What you people seem to think is that film actors and other well-known people have an Constitutional right to speak out in public but are some how bound to accept such retaliation as losing jobs or being banned from public events because they dared to exercise that right without a murmor. Well, to hell with you. A Constitutional right like that is no right at all.
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The other disturbing element...

by Diogenes Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 6:22 AM

...was the apparent orchestration of rejection of the Dixie Chicks right to speak their mind.

Specifically, Clear Channel Communications seemed to take up the ball and was following a planned assault on the fact that they had spoken up. This occurred not just on the Country Stations they owned but on their Talk Stations as well. Dixie Chick Bashing seemed to become the "Order of the Day".

Clear Channel was not alone but they were certainly one of the most virulent and high profile. By the way they OWN Rush Limbag.
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dc

by dc Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 6:41 AM

>>What you people seem to think is that film actors and other well-known people have an Constitutional right to speak out in public but are some how bound to accept such retaliation as losing jobs or being banned from public events because they dared to exercise that right without a murmor. Well, to hell with you. A Constitutional right like that is no right at all.<<

It's not that way at all.

They had the right to express their opinion. Those who disagreed had the right to tell them they don't approve of their opinion. Others have the right to tell those whom they disagree that because of their outspokenness on the subject, they are no longer welcome to participate in certain events. Those who were uninvited have the right to complain about it. Others have the right to say "Tough".

>>The other disturbing element was the apparent orchestration of rejection of the Dixie Chicks right to speak their mind.<<

Why should democracy in action bother you? I don't recall anyone saying they didn't have the right to say it. Their were those who said that what they said was foolish and pronounced they should be punished by not buying or listening to their music.
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Simple

by Simple Simon Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 6:48 AM

The Dixie Chicks haven't been imprisioned last time I checked. So I guess they can say whatever they want. Furthermore, evidence of a conspiracy to 'get' the Dixie Chicks is nonexistant. The reason that talk radio attacked them is simple - what Natalie Maines said was incredibly stupid and insulting.

If Clear Channel or any other sinister organization wants to deny the Dixie Chicks airtime this is in response to the demands of their customers. Otherwise these customers would change their listening habits to channels which still play the Dixie Chicks music. The companies which pay to advertise on Clear Channel would then move to radio stations with superior listener bases. Such is the beauty of Capitalism.

Daveman is the only one here who is discussing the article above. I guess we all agree that Jonah is right as usual then, eh?
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Blacklist

by Meyer London Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 6:55 AM

I guess you two guys must yearn for the blacklisting days of the McCarthy Era, when actors and other film industry people could see their careers wrecked if they didn't have the right political opinions. Sorry, but it is not 1952 anymore, Joe McCarthy is dead, and so are Cardinal Spellman and Dick Nixon. One would never know it from reading what you two post, however.
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OneEyedMan

by KPC Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 6:59 AM

Fido, you are a liar. Anyone with an ounce integrity (so I guess this leave you OUT) can see that there was an orchestrated attempt to discredit them in order to intimidate others into silence. It is one thing to disagree with them, privately or publicly, it is quite another to attack their livelyhood in order to intimidate others (Remember your hero, Joe MeCarthy?) Also, neocons have been exaggerating the negative impact on them....now, why would they do that?

Nevermind, just go fetch my slippers and paper like a good doggie...your are a GOOOOOD DOGGIE, aren't you, Pvt. Fido?
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Freedom to dissent is fundamental and essential to the health of the Republic

by Diogenes Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 7:03 AM

“Why should democracy in action bother you? I don't recall anyone saying they didn't have the right to say it. Their were those who said that what they said was foolish and pronounced they should be punished by not buying or listening to their music.

This is disingenuous at best. The point being, as I am sure you are well aware, was that Clear Channel Orchestrated a campaign to smear the Dixie Chicks and blow the simple comment that the one young woman was ashamed to have Bush come from the same State as she. Clear Channel drummed up continued outrage by virtue of using their Propaganda Organs to further the message that dissent from the Fuhrer’s Pronouncements was not acceptable. It was Black PR and intentionally so. That this occurred throughout their network is a prima facie case that this was orchestrated from above and was the official policy of Clear Channel in action. To have not made a public statement to that effect was dishonest - and intentionally so.

However, the week following the beginning of the Clear Channel Campaign the Dixie Chicks were still number 1 on the Billboard Top 100. So, much for the “huge” groundswell of rejection. However a PR campaign can over time destroy someone. Clear Channel is operating in an environment of limited Broadcast frequencies and should be held to account for their misuse of the trust imbued by the granting of an exclusive license to the use of those frequencies.

The Dixie Chicks committed no crime and exercised only their right to speak freely their mind. The opprobrium drummed up against them for a rather bland comment was well out of proportion to the statement and thus is reflective of a mindset that will brook no opposition whatsoever.

However, another nice sidelight to this entire mess is that there are now stations who are using the Clear Channel Banned List as a point of competition.

This amuses me no end.
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dc

by dc Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 7:06 AM

The case that appears you wish to make is that the DC's had the right to say what they did, and that others had the right to disagree, but that expressing their opinions shouldn't have had any effect on their radio airplay or record sales.

Now who's being McCarthy, telling the buying public what they should and should not do and what should and should not happen?
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dc

by fresca Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 7:10 AM

Blow me, you fascist head queen.
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Simple

by Simple Simon Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 7:19 AM

Meyer and KPC you guys are killing me.

The Left is so populated with the simple-minded. Infected with a strange strain of Tourette's syndrome, they bleat out totems of fear whenever they feel afraid.

HITLER!!!! McCARTHY!!!

Grow up.

If Eddie Murphy decided to pull his penis out and smack everyone in the head with it any time he was asked to provide an autograph - people might get upset. People would talk. Lots of stories would be written, lots of condemnation thrown around. Eddie would find his appearances cancelled. And a lot fewer people would ask him for autographs or call themselves his fans.

This is the consequence of acting like a jackass.

Natalie Maines is a person with some limited singing ability. She decides to shoot her remarkably ignorant mouth off about the President to ingratiate herself with a crowd consisting of primarily young people (and hence presumably more inclined to being anti-liberation of Iraq). Country music fans in America are made aware of her ignorance and decide they would rather not patronize her any longer.

This is also the consequence of acting like a jackass.

You don't have a Constitutional right to make lots of money. If you say or do stupid things, you will find your profits will shrink.

There is no blacklist in Hollywood today - unless you are conservative. There is no blacklist in academia today - unless you are conservative. Hmmm, maybe you guys are on to something with this McCarthy thing...
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Public

by Meyer London Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 7:23 AM

So you are telling us that "the public" gets to tell Clear Channel what to do? You take us for fools, eh? Ha ha ha ha ha ha. You are a funny person, DC. Too bad the days of Vaudville are over like the McCarthy Era.
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OneEyedMan

by KPC Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 7:23 AM

dc:"....expressing their opinions shouldn't have had any effect on their radio airplay or record sales. "

No, if you don't like them, don't buy them...but the orchestrated effort to discredit them and hurt them financially is intended to intimidate others into silence. Period.

Read a little about history before you invoke McCarthy to try to support your flaccid point.
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Simple-minded Simple

by Meyer London Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 7:24 AM

So there is no formal Blacklist in Hollywood today? Perhaps not, but it is more than clear that you would love it if the was one.
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OneEyedMan

by KPC Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 7:28 AM

Fido:"Country music fans in America are made aware of her ignorance and decide they would rather not patronize her any longer. "

Um. Nope. Missed it. Can you even type at all without lying? That is NOT what happened. If this was a grass roots groundswell, as you so lamely attempt to imply, why are they still #1 on the Billboard?

Never mind...slippers, doggie...SLIPPERS AND PAPER!
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Simple

by Simple Simon Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 7:28 AM

So I want a blacklist? Nope, sorry.

No such thing is made clear by anything I have written.

You argument has been discredited (as usual) and now you turn to unfounded accusations and calumny (as usual).

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dc

by dc Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 7:31 AM

>So you are telling us that "the public" gets to tell Clear Channel what to do?

Company's typically have a target market. That's OK with you, isn't it?

>but the orchestrated effort to discredit them and hurt them financially is intended to intimidate others into silence. Period.

There were orchestrated efforts by those on the left (and still are) to use boycotts and other means by which to silence and financially damage Rush Limbaugh. By going after the top conservative spokesperson on the airwaves, their was a message being sent to others of like political opinion on the air that they should re-think what they were doing. So what. He just kept doing what he was doing. So did the rest. You can only be intimidated if you let others do it to you.

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OneEyedMan

by KPC Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 7:31 AM

Fido: "No such thing is made clear by anything I have written. "

For once we agree...nothing you have ever addressed has ever been made clear by anything you have written.

You are the great canine obfuscator!
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Simple

by Simple Simon Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 7:33 AM

Hey KPC, if they're still #1 on Billboard

WHAT THE HELL ARE YOU BITCHING ABOUT THEN?

Billboard is a SALES RATING you ignorant animal.

If they are number one, they are SELLING MORE THAN ANYONE!

Wow. This was the worst example of the sinister power of the Clear Channel Clan and the Taliban wing of the Republican party. But we did a number on Sanandon. Buw wah hah hah!!!

Oh, and by the way - they are at #3, not #1. Down from last week.

http://www.billboard.com/bb/charts/country.jsp

You guys crack me up.

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Dix Chix

by radio Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 7:46 AM

"but the orchestrated effort to discredit them and hurt them financially is intended to intimidate others into silence. Period."

For Clear Channel to do this doesn't even make business sense. For them to orchestrate this is to take a big chance it would blow up in their face. It's too easy for people just to change the dial.
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OneEyedMan

by KPC Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 7:52 AM

dc: "their was a message being sent to others of like political opinion on the air that they should re-think what they were doing. So what. "

Well, at least you admit that it was an effort by those WITH LINKS TO THE GOVERNMENT (which makes it quite different than your charge against "THE LEFT") to intimidate those who criticize da Shrub into silence. It is one thing if citizens organize to do it...it is quite another if the government does.
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OneEyedMan

by KPC Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 7:53 AM

dc: "their was a message being sent to others of like political opinion on the air that they should re-think what they were doing. So what. "

Well, at least you admit that it was an effort by those WITH LINKS TO THE GOVERNMENT (which makes it quite different than your charge against "THE LEFT") to intimidate those who criticize da Shrub into silence. It is one thing if citizens organize to do it...it is quite another if the government does.
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dc

by dc Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 8:07 AM

>Well, at least you admit that it was an effort by those WITH LINKS TO THE GOVERNMENT to intimidate those who criticize da Shrub into silence.

I did not. Don't put words in my mouth. It's rude. It's dishonest. It's in bad form. Shame on you. Hang your head.

What I said was:

>There were orchestrated efforts by those on the left (and still are) to use boycotts and other means by which to silence and financially damage Rush Limbaugh. By going after the top conservative spokesperson on the airwaves, their was a message being sent to others of like political opinion on the air that they should re-think what they were doing. So what. He just kept doing what he was doing. So did the rest. You can only be intimidated if you let others do it to you.

I pointed out that the left has orchestrated efforts to silence conservatives or otherwise try and intimidate them. But the conservatives didn't complain. They kept doing what they were doing, marched forward with what they believed to be the right things to say and do, and let the chips fall where they may. If the Dixie Chicks had any balls, they'd have done the same thing, they would have offered an apology for what they said, they would have stood firm and repeated it again and again. They didn't.

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correction

by dc Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 8:09 AM

>they would have offered an apology for what they said>

Correction

they WOULDN'T have offered an apology for what they said
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OneEyedMan

by KPC Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 8:11 AM

Fido: "Hey KPC, if they're still #1 on Billboard . WHAT THE HELL ARE YOU BITCHING ABOUT THEN? "

Well, I know that doggies can't read, so maybe you can have someone read to you....

..what I said was that this the effort is to silence others through intimidation. That is why the neocons have been exaggerating the impact, so others will be afraid of what might happen to THEM if they exercise their rights.

Now, I am getting impatient, where are those slippers?
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Their Album has slipped...

by Diogenes Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 8:13 AM

...all the way down to number 3. However, their Concert Tour is just about a complete Sell Out in all 59 cities.

Let Freedom Ring!
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OneEyedMan

by KPC Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 8:18 AM

dc: "Don't put words in my mouth. "

With that Shrub Dick constantly stuffed in there to the hilt, how can I fit ANYTHING else in there?

You absolutely implied that the left had done the same thing, trying to itimidate Lush Rimjob into silence. By implication, you admit that what was done to these women was the same thing. The difference is, those at Clear Channel behind these actions have close ties to the Shrubistration. Those behind the actions agains Rimjob did not. Now, you can elect to be naive if you want, but we reserve the right to laugh at you.
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There is a distinct difference...

by Diogenes Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 8:23 AM

...between direct intimidation of an individual and telling an advertiser that you will not buy their product because you object to where they advertise. One is a direct threat the other is statement of free speech. The two are not an identity.

Besides the one against Limbag has cost him some very valued advertisers. The Dixie Chicks are picking up steam and rolling on as more people begin to wake up to the fact that the anti-war movements criticisms of the Bush Junta are factually supported. There are NO WMDs®.
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KPC

by dc Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 8:26 AM

FUCK YOU you lump of shit!!!!

>The difference is, those at Clear Channel behind these actions have close ties to the Shrubistration. Those behind the actions agains Rimjob did not.

Those opposed to Rush were: the DNC, NOW, PGLAD, and various other
leftist groups, NONE of which had any ties to KKKlinton in your small,
pea-sized matter we can all be sure.

Enough of your fucking smart-assed mouth. I've warned you fuckers to straighten
up. You will or else.
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X

by X Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 8:29 AM

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The Boycott of Rush's advertisers...

by Diogenes Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 8:33 AM

...was begun at a Web Site called "TakeBackTheMedia" which is run by a Vietnam Veteran. Because someone disagrees with your point of view does not make them either a leftist or a Demoncrat.

Unless of course you consider Pat Buchanan a leftist.

And threats get you nowhere. When you begin blustering and threatening you just betray that you have lost your cool and control of your arguments.

You have a right to your opinion. I may disagree with you but I will defend your right to hold it.

Now it's your turn.
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Fight the "X" Spammer...

by Diogenes Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 8:36 AM

...by using your return key to keep your posts within the
boundaries of the normal wrap.

This is an attempt to break up debate.
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OneEyedMan

by KPC Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 8:37 AM

ac/dc:"You will or else."

oooooooooo, somebodies panties are in a fuckin' bunch! I'm shakin' so much I can hardly type...

As I recall, the actions against Rimjob occured with a REPUBLICAN pResident, a REPUBLICAN Congress and a REPUBLICAN senate...so the GOVERNMENT was hardly behind it, as it is behind Clear Channel.

...fuckin' douchebag....



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Black Bloc

by anarchist Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 8:40 AM

1 - Individualist Anarchists and the socialist movement.
Caplan, in his FAQ, attempts to rewrite anarchist history by trying to claim that the individualist
anarchists were forerunners of the so-called "anarcho-capitalist" school. However, as is so often
the case with Caplan's FAQ, nothing could be further from the truth.

In section 5 (What major subdivisions may be made among anarchists?) of his FAQ, Caplan
writes that:

"A large segment of left-anarchists is extremely sceptical about the anarchist credentials
of anarcho-capitalists, arguing that the anarchist movement has historically been clearly
leftist. In my own view, it is necessary to re-write a great deal of history to maintain this
claim."
He
quotes Carl Landauer's European Socialism: A History of Ideas and Movements as evidence:

"To be sure, there is a difference between individualistic anarchism and collectivistic or
communistic anarchism; Bakunin called himself a communist anarchist. But the
communist anarchists also do not acknowledge any right to society to force the individual.
They differ from the anarchistic individualists in their belief that men, if freed from
coercion, will enter into voluntary associations of a communistic type, while the other
wing believes that the free person will prefer a high degree of isolation. The communist
anarchists repudiate the right of private property which is maintained through the power
of the state. The individualist anarchists are inclined to maintain private property as a
necessary condition of individual independence, without fully answering the question of
how property could be maintained without courts and police."
Cap
lan goes on to state that "the interesting point is that before the emergence of modern anarcho-
capitalism Landauer found it necessary to distinguish two strands of anarchism, only one of which
he considered to be within the broad socialist tradition."

However, what Caplan seems to ignore is that both individualist and social anarchists agree that
there is a difference between the two schools of anarchist thought! Some insight. Of course,
Caplan tries to suggest that Landauer's non-discussion of the individualist anarchists is somehow
"evidence" that their ideas are not socialistic. Firstly, Landauer's book is about European
Socialism. Individualist anarchism was almost exclusively based in America and so hardly falls
within the book's subject area. Secondly, from the index Kropotkin is mentioned on two pages
(one of which a footnote). Does that mean Kropotkin was not a socialist? Of course not. It seems
likely, therefore, that Landauer is using the common Marxist terminology of defining Marxism as
Socialism, while calling other parts of the wider socialist movement by their self-proclaimed
names of anarchism, syndicalism and so on. Hardly surprising that Kropotkin is hardly mentioned
in a history of "Socialism" (i.e. Marxism).

As noted above, both schools of anarchism knew there was a difference between their ideas.
Kropotkin and Tucker, for example, both distinguished between two types of anarchism as well as
two types of socialism. Thus Caplan's "interesting point" is just a banality, a common fact which
anyone with a basic familiarity of anarchist history would know. Kropotkin in his justly famous
essay on Anarchism for The Encyclopaedia Britannica also found it necessary to distinguish
two strands of anarchism. As regards Caplan's claims that only one of these strands of anarchism
is "within the broad socialist tradition" all we can say is that both Kropotkin and Tucker
considered their ideas and movement to be part of the broader socialist tradition. According to an
expert on Individualist Anarchism, Tucker "looked upon anarchism as a branch of the general
socialist movement" [James J. Martin, Men Against the State, pp. 226-7]. Other writers on
Individualist Anarchism have noted the same fact (for example, Tucker "definitely thought of
himself a socialist" [William O. Reichart, Partisans of Freedom: A Study in American
Anarchism, p. 156]). As evidence of the anti-socialist nature of individualist anarchism, Caplan's
interpretation of Landauer's words is fundamentally nonsense. If you look at the writings of people
like Tucker you will see that they called themselves socialists and considered themselves part of
the wider socialist movement. No one familiar with Tucker's works could overlook this fact.

Interestingly, Landauer includes Proudhon in his history and states that he was "the most
profound thinker among pre-Marxian socialists." [p. 67] Given that Caplan elsewhere in his FAQ
tries to co-opt Proudhon into the "anarcho"-capitalist school as well as Tucker, his citing of
Landauer seems particularly dishonest. Landauer presents Proudhon's ideas in some depth in his
work within a chapter headed "The three Anticapitalistic Movements." Indeed, he starts his
discussion of Proudhon's ideas with the words "In France, post-Utopian socialism begins with
Peter Joseph Proudhon." [p. 59] Given that both Kropotkin and Tucker indicated that Individualist
Anarchism followed Proudhon's economic and political ideas the fact that Landauer states that
Proudhon was a socialist implies that Individualist Anarchism is also socialist (or "Leftist" to use
Caplan's term).

Tucker and the other individualist anarchists considered themselves as followers of Proudhon's
ideas (as did Bakunin and Kropotkin). For example, Tucker stated that his journal Liberty was
"brought into existence as a direct consequence of the teachings of Proudhon" and "lives
principally to spread them." [cited by Paul Avrich in his "Introduction" to Proudhon and his
"Bank of the People" by Charles A. Dana]

Obviously Landauer considered Proudhon a socialist and if Individualist Anarchism follows
Proudhon's ideas then it, too, must be socialist.

Unsurprisingly, then, Tucker also considered himself a socialist. To state the obvious, Tucker and
Bakunin both shared Proudhon's opposition to private property (in the capitalist sense of the
word), although Tucker confused this opposition (and possibly the casual reader) by talking about
possession as "property."

So, it appears that Caplan is the one trying to rewrite history.



2 - Why is Caplan's definition of socialism wrong?

Perhaps the problem lies with Caplan's "definition" of socialism. In section 7 (Is anarchism the
same thing as socialism?) he states:

"If we accept one traditional definition of socialism -- 'advocacy of government ownership
of the means of production' -- it seems that anarchists are not socialists by definition. But
if by socialism we mean something more inclusive, such as 'advocacy of the strong
restriction or abolition of private property,' then the question becomes more complex."
Which are hardly traditional definitions of socialism unless you are ignorant of socialist ideas! By defi
nition one, Bakunin and Kropotkin are not socialists. As far as definition two goes, all anarchists
were opposed to (capitalist) private property and argued for its abolition and its replacement with
possession. The actual forms of possession differed from between anarchist schools of thought,
but the common aim to end private property (capitalism) was still there. To quote Dana, in a
pamphlet called "a really intelligent, forceful, and sympathetic account of mutual banking" by
Tucker, individualist anarchists desire to "destroy the tyranny of capital,- that is, of property" by
mutual credit. [Charles A. Dana, Proudhon and his "Bank of the People", p. 46]

Interestingly, this second definition of socialism brings to light a contradiction in Caplan's account.
Elsewhere in the FAQ he notes that Proudhon had "ideas on the desirability of a modified form of
private property." In fact, Proudhon did desire to restrict private property to that of possession, as
Caplan himself seems aware. In other words, even taking his own definitions we find that
Proudhon would be considered a socialist! Indeed, according to Proudhon, "all accumulated
capital is collective property, no one may be its exclusive owner." [Selected Writings of Pierre-
Joseph Proudhon, p. 44] Thus Jeremy Jennings' summary of the anarchist position on private
property:

"The point to stress is that all anarchists [including Spooner and Tucker], and not only
those wedded to the predominant twentieth-century strain of anarchist communism have
been critical of private property to the extent that it was a source of hierarchy and
privilege."
He
goes on to state that anarchists like Tucker and Spooner "agreed with the proposition that
property was legitimate only insofar as it embraced no more than the total product of individual
labour." ["Anarchism", Contemporary Political Ideologies, Roger Eatwell and Anthony Wright
(eds.), p. 132]

The idea that socialism can be defined as state ownership or even opposition to, or "abolition" of,
all forms of property is not one which is historically accurate for all forms of socialism. Obviously
communist-anarchists and syndicalists would dismiss out of hand the identification of socialism as
state ownership, as would Individualist Anarchists like Tucker and Joseph Labadie. As for
opposition or abolition of all forms of "private property" as defining socialism, such a position
would have surprised communist-anarchists like Kropotkin (and, obviously, such self-proclaimed
socialists as Tucker and Labadie).

For example, in Act for Yourselves Kropotkin explicitly states that a peasant "who is in
possession of just the amount of land he can cultivate" would not be expropriated in an anarchist
revolution. Similarly for the family "inhabiting a house which affords them just enough space . . .
considered necessary for that number of people" and the artisan "working with their own tools or
handloom" would be left alone [pp. 104-5]. He makes the same point in The Conquest of Bread
[p. 61] Thus, like Proudhon, Kropotkin replaces private property with possession as the former
is "theft" (i.e. it allows exploitation, which "indicate[s] the scope of Expropriation" namely "to
everything that enables any man [or woman]. . . to appropriate the product of other's toil" [The
Conquest of Bread, p. 61])

Even Marx and Engels did not define socialism in terms of the abolition of all forms of "private
property." Like anarchists, they distinguished between that property which allows exploitation to
occur and that which did not. Looking at the Communist Manifesto we find them arguing that the
"distinguishing feature of Communism is not the abolition of property generally, but the abolition
of bourgeois property" and that "Communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate the
products of society; all that it does is to deprive him of the power to subjugate the labour of others
by means of such appropriation." Moreover, they correctly note that "property" has meant
different things at different times and that the "abolition of existing property relations is not at all a
distinctive feature of Communism" as "[a]ll property relations in the past have continually been
subject to historical change consequent upon the change in historical conditions." As an example,
they argue that the French Revolution "abolished feudal property in favour of bourgeois property."
[The Manifesto of the Communist Party]

Which means that the idea that socialism means abolishing "private property" is only true for
those kinds of property that are used to exploit the labour of others. Nicholas Walter sums up the
anarchist position when he wrote that anarchists "are in favour of the private property which
cannot be used by one person to exploit another." Reinventing Anarchy, p. 49] In other words,
property which is no longer truly private as it is used by those who do not own it. In effect, the
key point of Proudhon's What is Property?, namely the difference between possession and
property. Which means that rather than desire the abolition of all forms of "private property,"
socialists (of all kinds, libertarian and authoritarian) desire the abolition of a specific kind of
property, namely that kind which allows the exploitation and domination of others. To ignore this
distinction is to paint a very misleading picture of what socialism stands for.

This leaves the "the strong restriction . . . of private property" definition of socialism. Here Caplan
is on stronger ground. Unfortunately, by using that definition the Individualist Anarchists, like the
Social Anarchists, are included in socialist camp, a conclusion he is trying to avoid. As every
anarchist shares Proudhon's analysis that "property is theft" and that possession would be the
basis of anarchism, it means that every anarchist is a socialist (as Labadie always claimed). This
includes Tucker and the other Individualist Anarchists. For example, Joseph Labadie stated that
"the two great sub-divisions of Socialists" (anarchists and State Socialists) both "agree that the
resources of nature -- land, mines, and so forth -- should not be held as private property and
subject to being held by the individual for speculative purposes, that use of these things shall be
the only valid title, and that each person has an equal right to the use of all these things. They all
agree that the present social system is one composed of a class of slaves and a class of masters,
and that justice is impossible under such conditions." [What is Socialism?] Tucker himself
argued that the anarchists' "occupancy and use" title to land and other scare material would
involve a change (and, in effect, "restriction") of current (i.e. capitalist) property rights:

"It will be seen from this definition that Anarchistic property concerns only products. But
anything is a product upon which human labour has been expended. It should be stated,
however, that in the case of land, or of any other material the supply of which is so limited
that all cannot hold it in unlimited quantities, Anarchism undertakes to protect no titles
except such as are based on actual occupancy and use." [Instead of a Book, p. 61]
and
so:

"no advocate of occupancy and use believes that it can be put in force until as a theory it
has been accepted as generally . . . seen and accepted as is the prevailing theory of
ordinary private property." [Occupancy and Use versus the Single Tax]
So,
as can be seen, Individualist Anarchism rejected important aspects of capitalist property rights.
Given that the Individualist Anarchists were writing at a time when agriculture was still the largest
source of employment this position on land is much more significant than it first appears. In effect,
Tucker and the other American Anarchists were advocating a massive and fundamental change
in property-rights, in the social relationships they generated and in American society. This is, in
other words, a very "strong restriction" in capitalist property rights (and it is this type of property
Caplan is referring to, rather than "property" in the abstract).

However, such a "definition" of socialism as "restricting" private property is flawed as it does not
really reflect anarchist ideas on the subject. Anarchists, in effect, reject the simplistic analysis that
because a society (or thinker) accepts "property" that it (or he/she) is capitalistic. This is for two
reasons. Firstly, the term "property" has been used to describe a wide range of situations and
institutions. Thus Tucker used the term "property" to describe a society in which capitalist
property rights were not enforced. Secondly, and far more importantly, concentrating on
"property" rights in the abstract ignores the social relationships it generates. Freedom is product
of social interaction, not one of isolation. This means that the social relationships generated in a
given society are the key to evaluating it -- not whether it has "property" or not. To look at
"property" in the abstract is to ignore people and the relationships they create between each
other. And it is these relationships which determine whether they are free or not (and so exploited
or not). Caplan's use of the anti-property rights "definition" of socialism avoids the central issue of
freedom, of whether a given society generates oppression and exploitation or not. By looking at
"property" Caplan ignores liberty, a strange but unsurprising position for a self-proclaimed
"libertarian" to take.

Thus both of Caplan's "definitions" of socialism are lacking. A "traditional" one of government
ownership is hardly that and the one based on "property" rights avoids the key issue while, in its
own way, includes all the anarchists in the socialist camp (something Caplan, we are sure, did
not intend).

So what would be a useful definition of socialism? From our discussion on property we can
instantly reject Caplan's biased and simplistic starting points. In fact, a definition of socialism
which most socialists would agree with would be one that stated that "the whole produce of
labour ought to belong to the labourer" (to use words Thomas Hodgskin, an early English
socialist, from his essay Labour Defended against the Claims of Capital). Tucker stated that
"the bottom claim of Socialism" was "that labour should be put in possession of its own," that "the
natural wage of labour is its product" (see his essay State Socialism and Anarchism). This
definition also found favour with Kropotkin who stated that socialism "in its wide, generic, and true
sense" was an "effort to abolish the exploitation of labour by capital." [Kropotkin's
Revolutionary Pamphlets, p. 169]

From this position, socialists soon realised that (to again quote Kropotkin) "the only guarantee not
to by robbed of the fruits of your labour is to possess the instruments of labour." [The Conquest
of Bread, p. 145] Because of this socialism also could be defined as "the workers shall own the
means of production," as this automatically meant that the product would go to the producer, and,
in fact, this could also be a definition of socialism most socialists would agree with. The form of
this ownership, however, differed from socialist tendency to socialist tendency (some, like
Proudhon, proposed co-operative associations, others like Kropotkin communal ownership,
others like the Social Democrats state ownership and so on). Moreover, as the economy changed
in the 19th century, so did socialist ideas. Murray Bookchin gives a good summary of this
process:

"Th[e] growing shift from artisanal to an industrial economy gave rise to a gradual but
major shift in socialism itself. For the artisan, socialism meant producers' co-operatives
composed of men who worked together in small shared collectivist associations . . . For
the industrial proletarian, by contrast, socialism came to mean the formation of a mass
organisation that gave factory workers the collective power to expropriate a plant that no
single worker could properly own. . . They advocated public ownership of the means of
production, whether by the state or by the working class organised in trade unions." [The
Third Revolution, vol. 2, p. 262]
So,
in this evolution of socialism we can place the various brands of anarchism. Individualist
anarchism is clearly a form of artisanal socialism (which reflects its American roots) while
communist anarchism and anarcho-syndicalism are forms of industrial (or proletarian) socialism
(which reflects its roots in Europe). Proudhon's mutualism bridges these extremes, advocating as
it does artisan socialism for small-scale industry and agriculture and co-operative associations for
large-scale industry (which reflects the state of the French economy in the 1840s to 1860s). The
common feature of all these forms of anarchism is opposition to usury and the notion that
"workers shall own the means of production." Or, in Proudhon's words, "abolition of the
proletariat." [Op. Cit., p. 179] As one expert on Proudhon points out, Proudhon's support for
"association" (or "associative socialism") "anticipated all those later movements" which
demanded "that the economy be controlled neither by private enterprise nor by the state . . . but
by the producers" such as "the revolutionary syndicalists" and "the students of 1968." [K. Steven
Vincent, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and the Rise of French Republican Socialism, p. 165]
"Industrial Democracy must. . . succeed Industrial Feudalism," to again quote Proudhon. [Op.
Cit., p. 167]

Thus the common agreement between all socialists was that capitalism was based upon
exploitation and wage slavery, that workers did not have access to the means of production and
so had to sell themselves to the class that did. Thus we find Individualist Anarchists arguing that
the whole produce of labour ought to belong to the labourer and opposing the exploitation of
labour by capital. To use Tucker's own words:

"the fact that one class of men are dependent for their living upon the sale of their labour,
while another class of men are relieved of the necessity of labour by being legally
privileged to sell something that is not labour. . . . And to such a state of things I am as
much opposed as any one. But the minute you remove privilege . . . every man will be a
labourer exchanging with fellow-labourers . . . What Anarchistic-Socialism aims to abolish
is usury . . . it wants to deprive capital of its reward." [Instead of a Book, p. 404]
By e
nding wage labour, anarchist socialism would ensure "The land to the cultivator. The mine to the
miner. The tool to the labourer. The product to the producer" and so "everyone [would] be a
proprietor" and so there would be "no more proletaires" (in the words of Ernest Lesigne, quoted
favourably by Tucker as part of what he called a "summary exposition of Socialism from the

standpoint of Anarchism" [Op. Cit., p. 17, p. 16]). Wage labour, and so capitalism, would be no
more and "the product [would go] to the producer." The Individualist Anarchists, as Wm. Gary
Kline correctly points out, "expected a society of largely self-employed workmen with no
significant disparity of wealth between any of them." [The Individualist Anarchists, p. 104] In
other words, the "abolition of the proletariat" as desired by Proudhon.

Therefore, like all socialists, Tucker wanted to end usury, ensure the "product to the producer"
and this meant workers owning and controlling the means of production they used ("no more
proletaires"). He aimed to do this by reforming capitalism away by creating mutual banks and
other co-operatives (he notes that Individualist Anarchists followed Proudhon, who "would
individualise and associate" the productive and distributive forces in society [as quoted by James
J. Martin, Men Against the State, p. 228]). Here is Kropotkin on Proudhon's reformist mutualist-
socialism:

"When he proclaimed in his first memoir on property that 'Property is theft', he meant only
property in its present, Roman-law, sense of 'right of use and abuse'; in property-rights, on the
other hand, understood in the limited sense of possession, he saw the best protection against
the encroachments of the state. At the same time he did not want violently to dispossess the
present owners of land, dwelling-houses, mines, factories and so on. He preferred to attain the
same end by rendering capital incapable of earning interest." [Kropotkin's Revolutionary
Pamphlet's, pp. 290-1 -- emphasis added]

In other words, like all anarchists, Proudhon desired to see a society without capitalists and wage
slaves ("the same end") but achieved by different means. When Proudhon wrote to Karl Marx in
1846 he made the same point:

"through Political Economy we must turn the theory of Property against Property in such
a way as to create what you German socialists call community and which for the
moment I will only go so far as calling liberty or equality." [Selected Writings of Pierre-
Joseph Proudhon, p. 151]
In o
ther words, Proudhon shared the common aim of all socialists (namely to abolish capitalism,
wage labour and exploitation) but disagreed with the means. As can be seen, Tucker placed
himself squarely in this tradition and so could (and did) call himself a socialist. Little wonder
Joseph Labadie often said that "All anarchists are socialists, but not all socialists are anarchists."
That Caplan tries to ignore this aspect of Individualist Anarchism in an attempt to co-opt it into
"anarcho"-capitalism indicates well that his FAQ is not an objective or neutral work.

Caplan states that the "United States has been an even more fertile ground for individualist
anarchism: during the 19th-century, such figures as Josiah Warren, Lysander Spooner, and
Benjamin Tucker gained prominence for their vision of an anarchism based upon freedom of
contract and private property."

However, as indicated, Tucker and Spooner did not support private property in the capitalist
sense of the word and Kropotkin and Bakunin, no less than Tucker and Spooner, supported free
agreement between individuals and groups. What does that prove? That Caplan seems more
interested in the words Tucker and Proudhon used rather than the meanings they attached to
them. Hardly convincing.

Perhaps Caplan should consider Proudhon's words on the subject of socialism:

"Modern Socialism was not founded as a sect or church; it has seen a number of different
schools." [Selected Writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, p. 177]
If he
did perhaps he would who see that the Individualist Anarchists were a school of socialism, given
their opposition to exploitation and the desire to see its end via their political, economic and social
ideas.



3 - Was Proudhon a socialist or a capitalist?

In section 8 (Who are the major anarchist thinkers?), Caplan tries his best to claim that Proudhon
was not really a socialist at all. He states that "Pierre[-Joseph] Proudhon is also often included [as
a "left anarchist"] although his ideas on the desirability of a modified form of private property
would lead some to exclude him from the leftist camp altogether."

"Some" of which group? Other anarchists, like Bakunin and Kropotkin? Obviously not -- Bakunin
claimed that "Proudhon was the master of us all." According to George Woodcock Kropotkin was
one of Proudhon's "confessed disciples." Perhaps that makes Bakunin and Kropotkin proto-
capitalists? Obviously not. What about Tucker? He called Proudhon "the father of the Anarchistic
school of Socialism." [Instead of a Book, p. 381] And, as we noted above, the socialist historian
Carl Launder considered Proudhon a socialist, as did the noted British socialist G.D.H. Cole in his
History of Socialist Thought (and in fact called him one of the "major prophets of Socialism.").
What about Marx and Engels, surely they would be able to say if he was a socialist or not?
According to Engels, Proudhon was "the Socialist of the small peasant and master-craftsman."
[Marx and Engels, Selected Works, p. 260]

In fact, the only "left" (i.e. social) anarchist of note who seems to place Proudhon outside of the
"leftist" (i.e. anarchist) camp is Murray Bookchin. In the second volume of The Third Revolution
Bookchin argues that "Proudhon was no socialist" simply because he favoured "private property."
[p. 39] However, he does note the "one moral provision [that] distinguished the Proudhonist
contract from the capitalist contract" namely "it abjured profit and exploitation." [Op. Cit., pp. 40-
41] -- which, of course, places him in the socialist tradition (see last section). Unfortunately,
Bookchin fails to acknowledge this or that Proudhon was totally opposed to wage labour along
with usury, which, again, instantly places him in ranks of socialism (see, for example, the General
Idea of the Revolution, p. 98, pp. 215-6 and pp. 221-2, and his opposition to state control of
capital as being "more wage slavery" and, instead, urging whatever capital required collective
labour to be "democratically organised workers' associations" [No Gods, No Masters, vol. 1, p.
62]).

Bookchin (on page 78) quotes Proudhon as arguing that "association" was "a protest against the
wage system" which suggests that Bookchin's claims that Proudhonian "analysis minimised the
social relations embodied in the capitalist market and industry" [p. 180] is false. Given that wage
labour is the unique social relationship within capitalism, it is clear from Proudhon's works that he
did not "minimise" the social relations created by capitalism, rather the opposite. Proudhon's
opposition to wage labour clearly shows that he focused on the key social relation which
capitalism creates -- namely the one of domination of the worker by the capitalist.

Bookchin does mention that Proudhon was "obliged in 1851, in the wake of the associationist
ferment of 1848 and after, to acknowledge that association of some sort was unavoidable for
large-scale enterprises." [p. 78] However, Proudhon's support of industrial democracy pre-dates
1851 by some 11 years. He stated in What is Property? that he "preach[ed] emancipation to the

proletaires; association to the labourers" and that "leaders" within industry "must be chosen from
the labourers by the labourers themselves." [p. 137 and p. 414] It is significant that the first work
to call itself anarchist opposed property along with the state, exploitation along with oppression
and supported self-management against hierarchical relationships within production ("anarcho"-
capitalists take note!). Proudhon also called for "democratically organised workers' associations"
to run large-scale industry in his 1848 Election Manifesto. [No Gods, No Masters, vol. 1, p. 62]
Given that Bookchin considers as "authentic artisanal socialists" those who called for collective
ownership of the means of production, but "exempted from collectivisation the peasantry" [p. 4]
we have to conclude that Proudhon was such an "authentic" artisanal socialist! Indeed, at one
point Bookchin mentions the "individualistic artisanal socialism of Proudhon" [p. 258] which
suggests a somewhat confused approach to Proudhon's ideas!

In effect, Bookchin makes the same mistake as Caplan; but, unlike Caplan, he should know
better. Rather than not being a socialist, Proudhon is obviously an example of what Bookchin
himself calls "artisanal socialism" (as Marx and Engels recongised). Indeed, he notes that
Proudhon was its "most famous advocate" and that "nearly all so-called 'utopian' socialists, even
[Robert] Owen -- the most labour-orientated -- as well as Proudhon -- essentially sought the
equitable distribution of property." [p. 273] Given Proudhon's opposition to wage labour and
capitalist property and his support for industrial democracy as an alternative, Bookchin's position
is untenable -- he confuses socialism with communism, rejecting as socialist all views which are
not communism (a position he shares with right-libertarians).

He did not always hold this position, though. He writes in The Spanish Anarchists that:

"Proudhon envisions a free society as one in which small craftsmen, peasants, and
collectively owned industrial enterprises negotiate and contract with each other to satisfy
their material needs. Exploitation is brought to an end. . . Although these views involve a
break with capitalism, by no means can they be regarded as communist ideas. . ." [p. 18]
In c
ontrast to some of Bookchin's comments (and Caplan) K. Steven Vincent is correct to argue that,
for Proudhon, justice "applied to the economy was associative socialism" and so Proudhon is
squarely in the socialist camp [Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and the Rise of French Republican
Socialism, p. 228].

However, perhaps all these "leftists" are wrong (bar Bookchin, who is wrong, at least some of the
time). Perhaps they just did not understand what socialism actually is (and as Proudhon stated "I
am socialist" [Selected Writing of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, p. 195] and described himself as a
socialist many times this also applies to Proudhon himself!). So the question arises, did Proudhon
support private property in the capitalist sense of the word? The answer is no. To quote George
Woodcock summary of Proudhon's ideas on this subject we find:

"He [Proudhon] was denouncing the property of a man who uses it to exploit the labour of
others, without an effort on his own part, property distinguished by interest and rent, by
the impositions of the non-producer on the producer. Towards property regarded as
'possession,' the right of a man to control his dwelling and the land and tools he needs to
live, Proudhon had no hostility; indeed he regarded it as the cornerstone of liberty." ["On
Proudhon's 'What is Property?'", The Raven No. 31, pp. 208-9]
Geo
rge Crowder makes the same point:

"The ownership he opposes is basically that which is unearned . . . including such things
as interest on loans and income from rent. This is contrasted with ownership rights in
those goods either produced by the work of the owner or necessary for that work, for
example his dwelling-house, land and tools. Proudhon initially refers to legitimate rights of
ownership of these goods as 'possession,' and although in his latter work he calls this
'property,' the conceptual distinction remains the same." [Classical Anarchism, pp. 85-
86]
Inde
ed, according to Proudhon himself, the "accumulation of capital and instrument is what the
capitalist owes to the producer, but he never pays him for it. It is this fraudulent deprivation which
causes the poverty of the worker, the opulence of the idle and the inequality of their conditions.
And it is this, above all, which has so aptly been called the exploitation of man by man."
[Selected Writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, p. 43]

He called his ideas on possession a "third form of society, the synthesis of communism and
property" and calls it "liberty." [The Anarchist Reader, p. 68]. He even goes so far as to say that
property "by its despotism and encroachment, soon proves itself oppressive and anti-social." [Op.
Cit., p. 67] Opposing private property he thought that "all accumulated capital is collective
property, no one may be its exclusive owner." Indeed, he considered the aim of his economic
reforms "was to rescue the working masses from capitalist exploitation." [Selected Writings of
Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, p. 44, p. 80]

In other words, Proudhon considered capitalist property to be the source of exploitation and
oppression and he opposed it. He explicitly contrasts his ideas to that of capitalist property and
rejects it as a means of ensuring liberty.

Caplan goes on to claim that "[s]ome of Proudhon's other heterodoxies include his defence of the
right of inheritance and his emphasis on the genuine antagonism between state power and
property rights."

However, this is a common anarchist position. Anarchists are well aware that possession is a
source of independence within capitalism and so should be supported. As Albert Meltzer puts it:

"All present systems of ownership mean that some are deprived of the fruits of their
labour. It is true that, in a competitive society, only the possession of independent means
enables one to be free of the economy (that is what Proudhon meant when, addressing
himself to the self-employed artisan, he said 'property is liberty', which seems at first sight
a contradiction with his dictum that it was theft)"[Anarchism: Arguments For and
Against, pp. 12-13]
Mala
testa makes the same point:

"Our opponents . . . are in the habit of justifying the right to private property by stating that
property is the condition and guarantee of liberty.

"And we agree with them. Do we not say repeatedly that poverty is slavery?

"But then why do we oppose them?

"The reason is clear: in reality the property that they defend is capitalist property. . . which
therefore depends on the existence of a class of the disinherited and dispossessed,
forced to sell their labour to the property owners for a wage below its real value. . . This
means that workers are subjected to a kind of slavery." [The Anarchist Revolution, p.
113]
As d
oes Kropotkin:

"the only guarantee not to be robbed of the fruits of your labour is to possess the
instruments of labour. . . man really produces most when he works in freedom, when he
has a certain choice in his occupations, when he has no overseer to impede him, and
lastly, when he sees his work bringing profit to him and to others who work like him, but
bringing in little to idlers." [The Conquest of Bread, p. 145]
Perh
aps this makes these three well known anarcho-communists "really" proto-"anarcho"-capitalists
as well? Obviously not. Instead of wondering if his ideas on what socialism is are wrong, he tries
to rewrite history to fit the anarchist movement into his capitalist ideas of what anarchism,
socialism and whatever are actually like.

In addition, we must point out that Proudhon's "emphasis on the genuine antagonism between
state power and property rights" came from his later writings, in which he argued that property
rights were required to control state power. In other words, this "heterodoxy" came from a period
in which Proudhon did not think that state could be abolished and so "property is the only power
that can act as a counterweight to the State." [Selected Writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon,
p. 140] Of course, this "later" Proudhon also acknowledged that property was "an absolutism
within an absolutism," "by nature autocratic" and that its "politics could be summed up in a single
word," namely "exploitation." [p. 141, p. 140, p. 134]

Moreover, Proudhon argues that "spread[ing] it more equally and establish[ing] it more firmly in
society" is the means by which "property" "becomes a guarantee of liberty and keeps the State on an even keel." [p. 133, p. 140] In other words, rather than "property" as such limiting the state, it
is "property" divided equally through society which is the key, without concentrations of economic
power and inequality which would result in exploitation and oppression. Therefore, "[s]imple
justice. . . requires that equal division of land shall not only operate at the outset. If there is to be
no abuse, it must be maintained from generation to generation." [Op. Cit., p. 141, p. 133, p. 130].

Interestingly, one of Proudhon's "other heterodoxies" Caplan does not mention is his belief that
"property" was required not only to defend people against the state, but also capitalism. He saw
society dividing into "two classes, one of employed workers, the other of property-owners,
capitalists, entrepreneurs." He thus recognised that capitalism was just as oppressive as the state
and that it assured "the victory of the strong over the weak, of those who property over those who
own nothing." [as quoted by Alan Ritter, The Political Thought of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, p.
121] Thus Proudhon's argument that "property is liberty" is directed not only against the state, but
also against social inequality and concentrations of economic power and wealth.

Indeed, he considered that "companies of capitalists" were the "exploiters of the bodies and souls of their wage earners" and an outrage on "human dignity and personality." Instead of wage labour
he thought that the "industry to be operated, the work to be done, are the common and indivisible
property of all the participant workers." In other words, self-management and workers' control. In
this way there would be "no more government of man by man, by means of accumulation of
capital" and the "social republic" established. Hence his support for co-operatives:

"The importance of their work lies not in their petty union interests, but in their denial of
the rule of capitalists, usurers, and governments, which the first [French] revolution left
undisturbed. Afterwards, when they have conquered the political lie. . . the groups of
workers should take over the great departments of industry which are their natural
inheritance." [cited in Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, E. Hymans, pp. 190-1, and Anarchism,
George Woodcock, p. 110, 112]
In o
ther words, a socialist society as workers would no longer be separated from the means of
production and they would control their own work (the "abolition of the proletariat," to use
Proudhon's expression). This would mean recognising that "the right to products is exclusive - jus
in re; the right to means is common - jus ad rem" [cited by Woodcock, Anarchism, p. 96] which
would lead to self-management:

"In democratising us, revolution has launched us on the path of industrial democracy."
[Selected Writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, p. 63]
As
Woodcock points out, in Proudhon's "picture of the ideal society of the ideal society it is this
predominance of the small proprietor, the peasant or artisan, that immediately impresses one"
with "the creation of co-operative associations for the running of factories and railways." ["On
Proudhon's 'What is Property?'", Op. Cit., p. 209, p. 210]

All of which hardly supports Caplan's attempts to portray Proudhon as "really" a capitalist all
along. Indeed, the "later" Proudhon's support for protectionism [Selected Writings of Pierre-

Joseph Proudhon, p. 187], the "fixing after amicable discussion of a maximum and minimum
profit margin," "the organising of regulating societies" and that mutualism would "regulate the
market" [Op. Cit., p. 70] and his obvious awareness of economic power and that capitalism
exploited and oppressed the wage-worker suggests that rather than leading some to exclude
Proudhon from the "leftist camp" altogether, it is a case of excluding him utterly from the "rightist
camp" (i.e. "anarcho"-capitalism). Therefore Caplan's attempt to claim (co-opt would be better)
Proudhon for "anarcho"-capitalism indicates how far Caplan will twist (or ignore) the evidence. As
would quickly become obvious when reading his work, Proudhon would (to use Caplan's words)
"normally classify government, property, hierarchical organisations . . . as 'rulership.'"

To summarise, Proudhon was a socialist and Caplan's attempts to rewrite anarchist and socialist
history fails. Proudhon was the fountainhead for both wings of the anarchist movement and What
is Property? "embraces the core of nineteenth century anarchism. . . [bar support for revolution]
all the rest of later anarchism is there, spoken or implied: the conception of a free society united
by association, of workers controlling the means of production. . . [this book] remains the
foundation on which the whole edifice of nineteenth century anarchist theory was to be
constructed." [Op. Cit., p. 210]

Little wonder Bakunin stated that his ideas were Proudhonism "widely developed and pushed to
these, its final consequences." [Michael Bakunin: Selected Writings, p. 198]



4 - Tucker on Property, Communism and Socialism.

That Tucker called himself a socialist is quickly seen from Instead of A Book or any of the books
written about Tucker and his ideas. That Caplan seeks to deny this means that either Caplan has
not looked at either Instead of a Book or the secondary literature (with obvious implications for
the accuracy of his FAQ) or he decided to ignore these facts in favour of his own ideologically
tainted version of history (again with obvious implications for the accuracy and objectivity of his
FAQ).

Caplan, in an attempt to deny the obvious, quotes Tucker from 1887 as follows in section 14
(What are the major debates between anarchists? What are the recurring arguments?):

"It will probably surprise many who know nothing of Proudhon save his declaration that
'property is robbery' to learn that he was perhaps the most vigorous hater of Communism
that ever lived on this planet. But the apparent inconsistency vanishes when you read his
book and find that by property he means simply legally privileged wealth or the power of
usury, and not at all the possession by the labourer of his products."
You
will instantly notice that Proudhon does not mean by property "the possession of the labourer of
his products." However, Proudhon did include in his definition of "property" the possession of the
capital to steal profits from the work of the labourers. As is clear from the quote, Tucker and
Proudhon was opposed to capitalist property ("the power of usury"). From Caplan's own evidence
he proves that Tucker was not a capitalist!

But lets quote Tucker on what he meant by "usury":

"There are three forms of usury, interest on money, rent on land and houses, and profit in
exchange. Whoever is in receipt of any of these is a usurer." [cited in Men against the
State by James J. Martin, p. 208]
Whi
ch can hardly be claimed as being the words of a person who supports capitalism!

And we should note that Tucker considered both government and capital oppressive. He argued
that anarchism meant "the restriction of power to self and the abolition of power over others.
Government makes itself felt alike in country and in city, capital has its usurious grip on the farm
as surely as on the workshop and the oppressions and exactions of neither government nor
capital can be avoided by migration." [Instead of a Book, p. 114]

And, we may add, since when was socialism identical to communism? Perhaps Caplan should
actually read Proudhon and the anarchist critique of private property before writing such
nonsense? We have indicated Proudhon's ideas above and will not repeat ourselves. However, it
is interesting that this passes as "evidence" of "anti-socialism" for Caplan, indicating that he does
not know what socialism or anarchism actually is. To state the obvious, you can be a hater of
"communism" and still be a socialist!

So this, his one attempt to prove that Tucker, Spooner and even Proudhon were really capitalists
by quoting the actual people involved is a failure.

He asserts that for any claim that "anarcho"-capitalism is not anarchist is wrong because "the
factual supporting arguments are often incorrect. For example, despite a popular claim that
socialism and anarchism have been inextricably linked since the inception of the anarchist
movement, many 19th-century anarchists, not only Americans such as Tucker and Spooner, but
even Europeans like Proudhon, were ardently in favour of private property (merely believing that
some existing sorts of property were illegitimate, without opposing private property as such)."

The facts supporting the claim of anarchists being socialists, however, are not "incorrect." It is
Caplan's assumption that socialism is against all forms of "property" which is wrong. To state the
obvious, socialism does not equal communism (and anarcho-communists support the rights of
workers to own their own means of production if they do not wish to join communist communes –
see above). Thus Proudhon was renown as the leading French Socialist theorist when he was
alive. His ideas were widely known in the socialist movement and in many ways his economic
theories were similar to the ideas of such well known early socialists as Robert Owen and William
Thompson. As Kropotkin notes:

"It is worth noticing that French mutualism had its precursor in England, in William
Thompson, who began by mutualism before he became a communist, and in his
followers John Gray (A Lecture on Human Happiness, 1825; The Social System, 1831)
and J. F. Bray (Labour's Wrongs and Labour's Remedy, 1839)." [Kropotkin's
Revolutionary Pamphlets, p. 291]
Perh
aps Caplan will now claim Robert Owen and William Thompson as capitalists?

Tucker called himself a socialist on many different occasions and stated that there were "two
schools of Socialistic thought . . . State Socialism and Anarchism." And stated in very clear terms
that:
"liberty insists on Socialism. . . - true Socialism, Anarchistic Socialism: the prevalence on
earth of Liberty, Equality, and Solidarity." [Instead of a Book, p. 363]
And
like all socialists, he opposed capitalism (i.e. usury and wage slavery) and wished that "there
should be no more proletaires." [see the essay "State Socialism and Anarchism" in Instead of a
Book, p. 17]

Caplan, of course, is well aware of Tucker's opinions on the subject of capitalism and private
property. In section 13 (What moral justifications have been offered for anarchism?) he writes:

"Still other anarchists, such as Lysander Spooner and Benjamin Tucker as well as
Proudhon, have argued that anarchism would abolish the exploitation inherent in interest
and rent simply by means of free competition. In their view, only labour income is
legitimate, and an important piece of the case for anarchism is that without government-
imposed monopolies, non-labour income would be driven to zero by market forces. It is
unclear, however, if they regard this as merely a desirable side effect, or if they would
reject anarchism if they learned that the predicted economic effect thereof would not
actually occur."
Firs
tly, we must point that Proudhon, Tucker and Spooner considered profits to be exploitative as
well as interest and rent. Hence we find Tucker arguing that a "just distribution of the products of
labour is to be obtained by destroying all sources of income except labour. These sources may
be summed up in one word, -- usury; and the three principle forms of usury are interest, rent and
profit." [Instead of a Book, p. 474] To ignore the fact that Tucker also considered profit as
exploitative seems strange, to say the least, when presenting an account of his ideas.

Secondly, rather than it being "unclear" whether the end of usury was "merely a desirable side
effect" of anarchism, the opposite is the case. Anyone reading Tucker (or Proudhon) would
quickly see that their politics were formulated with the express aim of ending usury. Just one
example from hundreds:

"Liberty will abolish interest; it will abolish profit; it will abolish monopolistic rent; it will
abolish taxation; it will abolish the exploitation of labour; it will abolish all means whereby
any labourer can be deprived of any of his product." [Instead of a Book, p. 347]
Whil
e it is fair to wonder whether these economic effects would result from the application of Tucker's
ideas, it is distinctly incorrect to claim that the end of usury was considered in any way as a
"desirable side effect" of them. Rather, in their eyes, the end of usury was one of the aims of
Individualist Anarchism, as can be clearly seen. As Wm. Gary Kline points out in his excellent
account of Individualist Anarchism:

"the American anarchists exposed the tension existing in liberal thought between private
property and the ideal of equal access. The Individualist Anarchists were, at least, aware
that existing conditions were far from ideal, that the system itself worked against the
majority of individuals in their efforts to attain its promises. Lack of capital, the means to
creation and accumulation of wealth, usually doomed a labourer to a life of exploitation.
This the anarchists knew and they abhorred such a system." [The Individualist
Anarchists, p. 102]
This
is part of the reason why they considered themselves socialists and, equally as important, they
were considered socialists by other socialists such as Kropotkin and Rocker. The Individualist
Anarchists, as can be seen, fit very easily into Kropotkin's comments that "the anarchists, in
common with all socialists. . . maintain that the now prevailing system of private ownership in
land, and our capitalist production for the sake of profits, represent a monopoly which runs
against both the principles of justice and the dictates of utility." [Kropotkin's Revolutionary
Pamphlets, p. 285] Given that they considered profits as usury and proposed "occupancy and
use" in place of the prevailing land ownership rights they are obviously socialists.

That the end of usury was considered a clear aim of his politics explains Tucker's 1911 postscript
to his famous essay "State Socialism and Anarchism" in which he argues that "concentrated
capital" itself was a barrier towards anarchy. He argued that the "trust is now a monster which. . .
even the freest competition, could it be instituted, would be unable to destroy." While, in an earlier
period, big business "needed the money monopoly for its sustenance and its growth" its size now
ensured that it "sees in the money monopoly a convenience, to be sure, but no longer a
necessity. It can do without it." This meant that the way was now "not so clear." Indeed, he
argued that the problem of the trusts "must be grappled with for a time solely by forces political or
revolutionary" as the trust had moved beyond the reach of "economic forces" simply due to the
concentration of resources in its hands. ["Postscript" to State Socialism and Anarchism]

If the end of "usury" was considered a "side-effect" rather than an objective, then the problems of
the trusts and economic inequality/power ("enormous concentration of wealth") would not have
been an issue. That the fact of economic power was obviously considered a hindrance to
anarchy suggests the end of usury was a key aim, an aim which "free competition" in the abstract
could not achieve. Rather than take the "anarcho"-capitalist position that massive inequality did
not affect "free competition" or individual liberty, Tucker obviously thought it did and, therefore,
"free competition" (and so the abolition of the public state) in conditions of massive inequality
would not create an anarchist society.

By trying to relegate an aim to a "side-effect," Caplan distorts the ideas of Tucker. Indeed, his
comments on trusts, "concentrated capital" and the "enormous concentration of wealth" indicates
how far Individualist Anarchism is from "anarcho"-capitalism (which dismisses the question of
economic power Tucker raises out of hand). It also indicates the unity of political and economic
ideas, with Tucker being aware that without a suitable economic basis individual freedom was
meaningless. That an economy (like capitalism) with massive inequalities in wealth and so power
was not such a basis is obvious from Tucker's comments.

Thirdly, what did Tucker consider as a government-imposed monopoly? Private property,
particularly in land! As he states "Anarchism undertakes to protect no titles except such as are

based upon actual occupancy and use" and that anarchism "means the abolition of landlordism
and the annihilation of rent." [Instead of a Book, p. 61, p. 300] This, to state the obvious, is a
restriction on "private property" (in the capitalist sense), which, if we use Caplan's definition of
socialism, means that Tucker was obviously part of the "Leftist camp" (i.e. socialist camp). In
other words, Tucker considered capitalism as the product of statism while socialism (libertarian of
course) would be the product of anarchy.

So, Caplan's historical argument to support his notion that anarchism is simply anti-government
fails. Anarchism, in all its many forms, have distinct economic as well as political ideas and these
cannot be parted without loosing what makes anarchism unique. In particular, Caplan's attempt to
portray Proudhon as an example of a "pure" anti-government anarchism also fails, and so his
attempt to co-opt Tucker and Spooner also fails (as noted, Tucker cannot be classed as a "pure"
anti-government anarchist either). If Proudhon was a socialist, then it follows that his self-
proclaimed followers will also be socialists -- and, unsurprisingly, Tucker called himself a socialist
and considered anarchism as part of the wider socialist movement.

"Like Proudhon, Tucker was an 'un-marxian socialist'" [William O. Reichart, Partisans of
Freedom: A Study in American Anarchism, p. 157]



5 - Anarchism and "anarcho"-capitalism

Caplan tries to build upon the non-existent foundation of Tucker's and Proudhon's "capitalism" by
stating that:

"Nor did an ardent anarcho-communist like Kropotkin deny Proudhon or even Tucker the
title of 'anarchist.' In his Modern Science and Anarchism, Kropotkin discusses not only
Proudhon but 'the American anarchist individualists who were represented in the fifties by
S.P. Andrews and W. Greene, later on by Lysander Spooner, and now are represented
by Benjamin Tucker, the well-known editor of the New York Liberty.' Similarly in his article
on anarchism for the 1910 edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica, Kropotkin again freely
mentions the American individualist anarchists, including 'Benjamin Tucker, whose
journal Liberty was started in 1881 and whose conceptions are a combination of those of
Proudhon with those of Herbert Spencer.'"
Ther
e is a nice historical irony in Caplan's attempts to use Kropotkin to prove the historical validity of
"anarcho"-capitalism. This is because while Kropotkin was happy to include Tucker into the
anarchist movement, Tucker often claimed that an anarchist could not be a communist! In State
Socialism and Anarchism he stated that anarchism was "an ideal utterly inconsistent with that
of those Communists who falsely call themselves Anarchists while at the same time advocating a
regime of Archism fully as despotic as that of the State Socialists themselves." ["State Socialism
and Anarchism", Instead of a Book, pp. 15-16]

While modern social anarchists follow Kropotkin in not denying Proudhon or Tucker as
anarchists, we do deny the anarchist title to supporters of capitalism. Why? Simply because
anarchism as a political movement (as opposed to a dictionary definition) has always been anti-
capitalist and against capitalist wage slavery, exploitation and oppression. In other words,
anarchism (in all its forms) has always been associated with specific political and economic
ideas. Both Tucker and Kropotkin defined their anarchism as an opposition to both state and
capitalism. To quote Tucker on the subject:

"Liberty insists. . . [on] the abolition of the State and the abolition of usury; on no more
government of man by man, and no more exploitation of man by man." [cited in Native
American Anarchism - A Study of Left-Wing American Individualism by Eunice
Schuster, p. 140]
Krop
otkin defined anarchism as "the no-government system of socialism." [Kropotkin's
Revolutionary Pamphlets, p. 46] Malatesta argued that "when [people] sought to overthrow both
State and property -- then it was anarchy was born" and, like Tucker, aimed for "the complete
destruction of the domination and exploitation of man by man." [Life and Ideas, p. 19, pp. 22-28]
Indeed every leading anarchist theorist defined anarchism as opposition to government and
exploitation. Thus Brain Morris' excellent summary:

"Another criticism of anarchism is that it has a narrow view of politics: that it sees the
state as the fount of all evil, ignoring other aspects of social and economic life. This is a
misrepresentation of anarchism. It partly derives from the way anarchism has been
defined [in dictionaries, for example], and partly because Marxist historians have tried to
exclude anarchism from the broader socialist movement. But when one examines the
writings of classical anarchists. . . as well as the character of anarchist movements. . . it
is clearly evident that it has never had this limited vision. It has always challenged all
forms of authority and exploitation, and has been equally critical of capitalism and religion
as it has been of the state." ["Anthropology and Anarchism," Anarchy: A Journal of
Desire Armed no. 45, p. 40]
Ther
efore anarchism was never purely a political concept, but always combined an opposition to
oppression with an opposition to exploitation. Little wonder, then, that both strands of anarchism
have declared themselves "socialist" and so it is "conceptually and historically misleading" to
"create a dichotomy between socialism and anarchism." [Brian Morris, Op. Cit., p. 39] Needless
to say, anarchists oppose state socialism just as much as they oppose capitalism. All of which
means that anarchism and capitalism are two different political ideas with specific (and opposed)
meanings -- to deny these meanings by uniting the two terms creates an oxymoron, one that
denies the history and the development of ideas as well as the whole history of the anarchist
movement itself.

As Kropotkin knew Proudhon to be an anti-capitalist, a socialist (but not a communist) it is hardly
surprising that he mentions him. Again, Caplan's attempt to provide historical evidence for a
"right-wing" anarchism fails. Funny that the followers of Kropotkin are now defending individualist
anarchism from the attempted "adoption" by supporters of capitalism! That in itself should be
enough to indicate Caplan's attempt to use Kropotkin to give credence to "anarcho"-capitalist co-
option of Proudhon, Tucker and Spooner fails.

Interestingly, Caplan admits that "anarcho"-capitalism has recent origins. In section 8 (Who are
the major anarchist thinkers?) he states:

"Anarcho-capitalism has a much more recent origin in the latter half of the 20th century.
The two most famous advocates of anarcho-capitalism are probably Murray Rothbard
and David Friedman. There were however some interesting earlier precursors, notably
the Belgian economist Gustave de Molinari. Two other 19th-century anarchists who have
been ad
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Ever notice...

by Diogenes Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 8:45 AM

...that the anarchist Spammer, an obvious Right Wing
Troll, shows up whenever the "Official Party Line" is
taking a real beating?

Look at the debate before the Spam and ignore the Spam.
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OneEyedMan

by KPC Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 8:46 AM

dc, grow up or grow some balls...
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dc=radio=X=anarchist

by HACKER EXTRAORDINAIRE Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 9:14 AM

This is the same poster from the extremist anti-Muslim site www.kobehq.com. Feel free to spam the hell out of them.
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Simple

by Simple Simon Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 9:43 AM

The party line is taking a beating?

Where?

By your own admission, the Dixie Chicks remain incredibly popular. Their album sales and concerts are well received.

So where is the censorship? Where is the intimidation? Natalie Maines got hammered in the press because she's a dumbass. Now it's not like she was silenced and denied a hearing - she had a prime-time softball bullcrap interview and she's on the cover of Entertainment Weekly.

Golly, the Right sure knows how to crank up the McCarthy.

Your positions are laughable. And they collapse under the weight of their own illogic.
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Double Standard

by Meyer London Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 9:56 AM

Earlier I mentioned "celebrities" like John Wayne and Bob Hope schilling for the Vietnam war with no complaints from right-wingers. This brings to mind a couple of other incidents from that period. When Carl Yaztremsky won the American League triple crown in 1967 he not only gave his trophy to Lyndon Johnson but publicly assured him that people against the Vietnam War were only a minority. Not a peep out of right-wingers. But the very next year, 1968, when athletes at the Mexico City Olympics raised their fists during a patriotic ceremony, the howls from the yahoos about "mixing politics with sports" were deafening. Talk about hypocrisy.
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Simple

by Simple Simon Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 9:58 AM

I'd drink John Wayne's bathwater. He's a real red, white and blue American.
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Facsist Jew

by systemfailure Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 12:41 PM

Imagine that...
a jew defending the facsist policies of the
likes of Clear Channel.

I wonder how many of those money-grubbing
shylocks sit on the board.

Maybe they should ALL go back to
their beloved and evil
Israel so they can all be bombed.

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OneEyedMan

by KPC Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 12:48 PM

Fido: "I'd drink John Wayne's bathwater. He's a real red, white and blue American."

John Wayne was a shitty actor and just another fuckin' chickenhawk.
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But...

by Diogenes Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 1:36 PM

...he died in "The Fighting SeaBees".

How more Patriotic can he be?

And Bob Hope was a GREAT Canadian too.
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Simple

by Simple Simon Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 1:48 PM

Uh, does anyone know who systemfailure is talking about?

And KPC, the post above concerning the consumption of bathwater wasn't written by me. It was written by our spotty-faced friend.

And Diogenes, it doesn't matter if Bob Hope is Canadian. He has been and continues to be a great supporter of the American serviceman. A great and generous spirit.
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Simple Simon=Simple Simon

by IP Checker Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 1:49 PM

Yeah, right Simon. Don't be embarrassed of your John Wayne fetish.
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Simple

by Simple Simon Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 2:00 PM

IP checker, it would be remarkably difficult to satisfy this fetish, no?

John Wayne has been dead for nearly 24 years.

Even if he did take baths instead of showering, the water in question would have long evaporated.

Surprised you didn't know that.
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Simple Simon

by IP Checker Wednesday, Apr. 30, 2003 at 2:07 PM

Much unlike you, I haven't studied John Wayne's life. Damn, what's next? Are you going to tell us what his favorite color was?
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Simple

by Simple Simon Thursday, May. 01, 2003 at 8:03 AM

I haven't the slightest idea what Mr. Wayne's favorite color was.

I am merely aware that he is long dead.

Which you apparently were not.

An uninformed Leftist. What a surprise.
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Simone

by IP Checker Thursday, May. 01, 2003 at 8:29 AM

Much unlike you, I don't keep up with the lives of celebrities. You conservatives adore your idols.
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The Chicks' album sales...

by daveman Thursday, May. 01, 2003 at 8:36 AM

...staying up is because while their original fans are dropping them like week-dead hamsters, the left is buying them up to "show their support" for the embarrassed Texans.

After all, if they don't like Bush, they've GOT to be good, right?

Just a theory.
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davemoron

by General Colon Bowel Thursday, May. 01, 2003 at 8:40 AM

Yes, and you fascists have resorted to running over their albums with steamrollers. Just like your Nazi idols burned books. I'll bet your real proud.
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General Inflammatory Bowel,

by daveman Thursday, May. 01, 2003 at 10:30 AM

...there is a huge difference between consumers freely choosing to destroy what they spent their own money on and a government forcing them to do so.

That's a difference between capitalism and fascism.

Personally, I have destroyed nothing. I even own CDs, tapes, VHSs and DVDs containing the works of people whose politics and opinions I disagree with. But I don't have a lot of money to spend on entertainment, so I'm not going to crush/burn/break any of them. I can separate the artist from the message.

But I also support the right of individuals to express their opinions...whether on the Oscars or in a parking lot with a steamroller.

Why don't you?
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Simple

by Simple Simon Thursday, May. 01, 2003 at 10:39 AM

Daveman you shouldn't do that to them.

I can just see the good General scratching his head and trying to work out on his etch-a-sketch how this conversation got away from him.

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Shhh, Simon...

by daveman Thursday, May. 01, 2003 at 10:40 AM

...I'm listening for the implosion.
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Simple Simon=daveman

by IP Checker Thursday, May. 01, 2003 at 10:43 AM

That's right, he's having a conversation with himself.
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Nope.

by daveman Thursday, May. 01, 2003 at 10:53 AM

If you IP checked us, you did it wrong.

Maybe you should be Grocery Store Checker.
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daveman=Simple Simon

by IP Checker Thursday, May. 01, 2003 at 10:55 AM

Caught red-handed. Do you always refer to yourself as "us?" Or are you just referring to the voices in your head?
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You're just jealous...

by daveman Thursday, May. 01, 2003 at 10:57 AM

...the voices are speaking to ME.

So, if you're such a M@zter H@kker, wjhere and I at?
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daveman=Simple Simon

by IP Checker Thursday, May. 01, 2003 at 11:00 AM

Does the word "Carolina" ring a bell, davie boy?
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Pretty good...

by daveman Thursday, May. 01, 2003 at 11:02 AM

...now, where's Simon?
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daveman=Simple Simon

by IP Checker Thursday, May. 01, 2003 at 11:05 AM

In your head, you schizo. Please seek help.
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Simple

by Simple Simon Thursday, May. 01, 2003 at 11:09 AM

Do paranoid agnostic dyslexic insomniacs stay up all night agonizing over whether there is a Dog?

I'm a figment? Damnit. I thought I was a nuance.
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Simple Simone

by Dr. Sigmund Fruit Thursday, May. 01, 2003 at 11:11 AM

Too bad the Earth isn't big enough for your ego.
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Simple

by Simple Simon Thursday, May. 01, 2003 at 11:12 AM

Sadly, it is but a little place.

But I guess we'll just have to make do.
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The above posting of "systemfailure " is a TROLL

by systemfailure Thursday, May. 01, 2003 at 3:15 PM

Im sure many of you our there in Indymedia land
recognized the posting as a troll
Probally fascist fresca (who thinks I am a racist)

THIS POST IS NOT MINE
I ABHORR RACISM AND FASCISM

Facsist Jew
by systemfailure • Tuesday April 29, 2003 03:41 PM

Imagine that...
a jew defending the facsist policies of the
likes of Clear Channel.
I wonder how many of those money-grubbing
shylocks sit on the board.
Maybe they should ALL go back to
their beloved and evil
Israel so they can all be bombed.

ONCE AGAIN I DO NOT SUPPORT THE US ASSISTANCE TO ISRAEL
I DO NOT SUPPORT ZIONISM, NAZIISM, OR ANY OTHER FASCISM.
BEING A JEW, DOES NOT EQUATE TO BEING A ZIONIST.
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Simple

by Simple Simon Thursday, May. 01, 2003 at 3:22 PM

That post was mine, systemfailure. I'm a member of KOBE, an anti-Muslim extremist cabal.
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Grocery Store Checker

by daveman Thursday, May. 01, 2003 at 11:51 PM

I assume your response: "In your head, you schizo. Please seek help." means you discovered that in reality, Simon and I are posting from different locations, and more than likely entirely different states.

A formal apology will not be required; merely a simple acknowledgement that you were wrong will be sufficient.
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Dixie Chicks

by drowlanif Friday, May. 02, 2003 at 3:59 AM

This Dixie Chick conversation is out of hand. There's no news here.

The Dixie Chicks are obviously liberal. What they said
was stupid. So what you got is liberals saying stupid things. Nothing new here.

You got some dildo claiming that Clear Channel is in cohoots with the Bush Administration. The didlo is obviously a liberal. So what you got is a liberal making connections without any reliable evidence. Nothing new here.

Move on.
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Black Bloc

by Darwin Friday, May. 02, 2003 at 4:02 AM

1 - Individualist Anarchists and the socialist movement.
Caplan, in his FAQ, attempts to rewrite anarchist history by trying to claim that the individualist
anarchists were forerunners of the so-called "anarcho-capitalist" school. However, as is so often
the case with Caplan's FAQ, nothing could be further from the truth.

In section 5 (What major subdivisions may be made among anarchists?) of his FAQ, Caplan
writes that:

"A large segment of left-anarchists is extremely sceptical about the anarchist credentials
of anarcho-capitalists, arguing that the anarchist movement has historically been clearly
leftist. In my own view, it is necessary to re-write a great deal of history to maintain this
claim."
He
quotes Carl Landauer's European Socialism: A History of Ideas and Movements as evidence:

"To be sure, there is a difference between individualistic anarchism and collectivistic or
communistic anarchism; Bakunin called himself a communist anarchist. But the
communist anarchists also do not acknowledge any right to society to force the individual.
They differ from the anarchistic individualists in their belief that men, if freed from
coercion, will enter into voluntary associations of a communistic type, while the other
wing believes that the free person will prefer a high degree of isolation. The communist
anarchists repudiate the right of private property which is maintained through the power
of the state. The individualist anarchists are inclined to maintain private property as a
necessary condition of individual independence, without fully answering the question of
how property could be maintained without courts and police."
Cap
lan goes on to state that "the interesting point is that before the emergence of modern anarcho-
capitalism Landauer found it necessary to distinguish two strands of anarchism, only one of which
he considered to be within the broad socialist tradition."

However, what Caplan seems to ignore is that both individualist and social anarchists agree that
there is a difference between the two schools of anarchist thought! Some insight. Of course,
Caplan tries to suggest that Landauer's non-discussion of the individualist anarchists is somehow
"evidence" that their ideas are not socialistic. Firstly, Landauer's book is about European
Socialism. Individualist anarchism was almost exclusively based in America and so hardly falls
within the book's subject area. Secondly, from the index Kropotkin is mentioned on two pages
(one of which a footnote). Does that mean Kropotkin was not a socialist? Of course not. It seems
likely, therefore, that Landauer is using the common Marxist terminology of defining Marxism as
Socialism, while calling other parts of the wider socialist movement by their self-proclaimed
names of anarchism, syndicalism and so on. Hardly surprising that Kropotkin is hardly mentioned
in a history of "Socialism" (i.e. Marxism).

As noted above, both schools of anarchism knew there was a difference between their ideas.
Kropotkin and Tucker, for example, both distinguished between two types of anarchism as well as
two types of socialism. Thus Caplan's "interesting point" is just a banality, a common fact which
anyone with a basic familiarity of anarchist history would know. Kropotkin in his justly famous
essay on Anarchism for The Encyclopaedia Britannica also found it necessary to distinguish
two strands of anarchism. As regards Caplan's claims that only one of these strands of anarchism
is "within the broad socialist tradition" all we can say is that both Kropotkin and Tucker
considered their ideas and movement to be part of the broader socialist tradition. According to an
expert on Individualist Anarchism, Tucker "looked upon anarchism as a branch of the general
socialist movement" [James J. Martin, Men Against the State, pp. 226-7]. Other writers on
Individualist Anarchism have noted the same fact (for example, Tucker "definitely thought of
himself a socialist" [William O. Reichart, Partisans of Freedom: A Study in American
Anarchism, p. 156]). As evidence of the anti-socialist nature of individualist anarchism, Caplan's
interpretation of Landauer's words is fundamentally nonsense. If you look at the writings of people
like Tucker you will see that they called themselves socialists and considered themselves part of
the wider socialist movement. No one familiar with Tucker's works could overlook this fact.

Interestingly, Landauer includes Proudhon in his history and states that he was "the most
profound thinker among pre-Marxian socialists." [p. 67] Given that Caplan elsewhere in his FAQ
tries to co-opt Proudhon into the "anarcho"-capitalist school as well as Tucker, his citing of
Landauer seems particularly dishonest. Landauer presents Proudhon's ideas in some depth in his
work within a chapter headed "The three Anticapitalistic Movements." Indeed, he starts his
discussion of Proudhon's ideas with the words "In France, post-Utopian socialism begins with
Peter Joseph Proudhon." [p. 59] Given that both Kropotkin and Tucker indicated that Individualist
Anarchism followed Proudhon's economic and political ideas the fact that Landauer states that
Proudhon was a socialist implies that Individualist Anarchism is also socialist (or "Leftist" to use
Caplan's term).

Tucker and the other individualist anarchists considered themselves as followers of Proudhon's
ideas (as did Bakunin and Kropotkin). For example, Tucker stated that his journal Liberty was
"brought into existence as a direct consequence of the teachings of Proudhon" and "lives
principally to spread them." [cited by Paul Avrich in his "Introduction" to Proudhon and his
"Bank of the People" by Charles A. Dana]

Obviously Landauer considered Proudhon a socialist and if Individualist Anarchism follows
Proudhon's ideas then it, too, must be socialist.

Unsurprisingly, then, Tucker also considered himself a socialist. To state the obvious, Tucker and
Bakunin both shared Proudhon's opposition to private property (in the capitalist sense of the
word), although Tucker confused this opposition (and possibly the casual reader) by talking about
possession as "property."

So, it appears that Caplan is the one trying to rewrite history.



2 - Why is Caplan's definition of socialism wrong?

Perhaps the problem lies with Caplan's "definition" of socialism. In section 7 (Is anarchism the
same thing as socialism?) he states:

"If we accept one traditional definition of socialism -- 'advocacy of government ownership
of the means of production' -- it seems that anarchists are not socialists by definition. But
if by socialism we mean something more inclusive, such as 'advocacy of the strong
restriction or abolition of private property,' then the question becomes more complex."
Which are hardly traditional definitions of socialism unless you are ignorant of socialist ideas! By defi
nition one, Bakunin and Kropotkin are not socialists. As far as definition two goes, all anarchists
were opposed to (capitalist) private property and argued for its abolition and its replacement with
possession. The actual forms of possession differed from between anarchist schools of thought,
but the common aim to end private property (capitalism) was still there. To quote Dana, in a
pamphlet called "a really intelligent, forceful, and sympathetic account of mutual banking" by
Tucker, individualist anarchists desire to "destroy the tyranny of capital,- that is, of property" by
mutual credit. [Charles A. Dana, Proudhon and his "Bank of the People", p. 46]

Interestingly, this second definition of socialism brings to light a contradiction in Caplan's account.
Elsewhere in the FAQ he notes that Proudhon had "ideas on the desirability of a modified form of
private property." In fact, Proudhon did desire to restrict private property to that of possession, as
Caplan himself seems aware. In other words, even taking his own definitions we find that
Proudhon would be considered a socialist! Indeed, according to Proudhon, "all accumulated
capital is collective property, no one may be its exclusive owner." [Selected Writings of Pierre-
Joseph Proudhon, p. 44] Thus Jeremy Jennings' summary of the anarchist position on private
property:

"The point to stress is that all anarchists [including Spooner and Tucker], and not only
those wedded to the predominant twentieth-century strain of anarchist communism have
been critical of private property to the extent that it was a source of hierarchy and
privilege."
He
goes on to state that anarchists like Tucker and Spooner "agreed with the proposition that
property was legitimate only insofar as it embraced no more than the total product of individual
labour." ["Anarchism", Contemporary Political Ideologies, Roger Eatwell and Anthony Wright
(eds.), p. 132]

The idea that socialism can be defined as state ownership or even opposition to, or "abolition" of,
all forms of property is not one which is historically accurate for all forms of socialism. Obviously
communist-anarchists and syndicalists would dismiss out of hand the identification of socialism as
state ownership, as would Individualist Anarchists like Tucker and Joseph Labadie. As for
opposition or abolition of all forms of "private property" as defining socialism, such a position
would have surprised communist-anarchists like Kropotkin (and, obviously, such self-proclaimed
socialists as Tucker and Labadie).

For example, in Act for Yourselves Kropotkin explicitly states that a peasant "who is in
possession of just the amount of land he can cultivate" would not be expropriated in an anarchist
revolution. Similarly for the family "inhabiting a house which affords them just enough space . . .
considered necessary for that number of people" and the artisan "working with their own tools or
handloom" would be left alone [pp. 104-5]. He makes the same point in The Conquest of Bread
[p. 61] Thus, like Proudhon, Kropotkin replaces private property with possession as the former
is "theft" (i.e. it allows exploitation, which "indicate[s] the scope of Expropriation" namely "to
everything that enables any man [or woman]. . . to appropriate the product of other's toil" [The
Conquest of Bread, p. 61])

Even Marx and Engels did not define socialism in terms of the abolition of all forms of "private
property." Like anarchists, they distinguished between that property which allows exploitation to
occur and that which did not. Looking at the Communist Manifesto we find them arguing that the
"distinguishing feature of Communism is not the abolition of property generally, but the abolition
of bourgeois property" and that "Communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate the
products of society; all that it does is to deprive him of the power to subjugate the labour of others
by means of such appropriation." Moreover, they correctly note that "property" has meant
different things at different times and that the "abolition of existing property relations is not at all a
distinctive feature of Communism" as "[a]ll property relations in the past have continually been
subject to historical change consequent upon the change in historical conditions." As an example,
they argue that the French Revolution "abolished feudal property in favour of bourgeois property."
[The Manifesto of the Communist Party]

Which means that the idea that socialism means abolishing "private property" is only true for
those kinds of property that are used to exploit the labour of others. Nicholas Walter sums up the
anarchist position when he wrote that anarchists "are in favour of the private property which
cannot be used by one person to exploit another." Reinventing Anarchy, p. 49] In other words,
property which is no longer truly private as it is used by those who do not own it. In effect, the
key point of Proudhon's What is Property?, namely the difference between possession and
property. Which means that rather than desire the abolition of all forms of "private property,"
socialists (of all kinds, libertarian and authoritarian) desire the abolition of a specific kind of
property, namely that kind which allows the exploitation and domination of others. To ignore this
distinction is to paint a very misleading picture of what socialism stands for.

This leaves the "the strong restriction . . . of private property" definition of socialism. Here Caplan
is on stronger ground. Unfortunately, by using that definition the Individualist Anarchists, like the
Social Anarchists, are included in socialist camp, a conclusion he is trying to avoid. As every
anarchist shares Proudhon's analysis that "property is theft" and that possession would be the
basis of anarchism, it means that every anarchist is a socialist (as Labadie always claimed). This
includes Tucker and the other Individualist Anarchists. For example, Joseph Labadie stated that
"the two great sub-divisions of Socialists" (anarchists and State Socialists) both "agree that the
resources of nature -- land, mines, and so forth -- should not be held as private property and
subject to being held by the individual for speculative purposes, that use of these things shall be
the only valid title, and that each person has an equal right to the use of all these things. They all
agree that the present social system is one composed of a class of slaves and a class of masters,
and that justice is impossible under such conditions." [What is Socialism?] Tucker himself
argued that the anarchists' "occupancy and use" title to land and other scare material would
involve a change (and, in effect, "restriction") of current (i.e. capitalist) property rights:

"It will be seen from this definition that Anarchistic property concerns only products. But
anything is a product upon which human labour has been expended. It should be stated,
however, that in the case of land, or of any other material the supply of which is so limited
that all cannot hold it in unlimited quantities, Anarchism undertakes to protect no titles
except such as are based on actual occupancy and use." [Instead of a Book, p. 61]
and
so:

"no advocate of occupancy and use believes that it can be put in force until as a theory it
has been accepted as generally . . . seen and accepted as is the prevailing theory of
ordinary private property." [Occupancy and Use versus the Single Tax]
So,
as can be seen, Individualist Anarchism rejected important aspects of capitalist property rights.
Given that the Individualist Anarchists were writing at a time when agriculture was still the largest
source of employment this position on land is much more significant than it first appears. In effect,
Tucker and the other American Anarchists were advocating a massive and fundamental change
in property-rights, in the social relationships they generated and in American society. This is, in
other words, a very "strong restriction" in capitalist property rights (and it is this type of property
Caplan is referring to, rather than "property" in the abstract).

However, such a "definition" of socialism as "restricting" private property is flawed as it does not
really reflect anarchist ideas on the subject. Anarchists, in effect, reject the simplistic analysis that
because a society (or thinker) accepts "property" that it (or he/she) is capitalistic. This is for two
reasons. Firstly, the term "property" has been used to describe a wide range of situations and
institutions. Thus Tucker used the term "property" to describe a society in which capitalist
property rights were not enforced. Secondly, and far more importantly, concentrating on
"property" rights in the abstract ignores the social relationships it generates. Freedom is product
of social interaction, not one of isolation. This means that the social relationships generated in a
given society are the key to evaluating it -- not whether it has "property" or not. To look at
"property" in the abstract is to ignore people and the relationships they create between each
other. And it is these relationships which determine whether they are free or not (and so exploited
or not). Caplan's use of the anti-property rights "definition" of socialism avoids the central issue of
freedom, of whether a given society generates oppression and exploitation or not. By looking at
"property" Caplan ignores liberty, a strange but unsurprising position for a self-proclaimed
"libertarian" to take.

Thus both of Caplan's "definitions" of socialism are lacking. A "traditional" one of government
ownership is hardly that and the one based on "property" rights avoids the key issue while, in its
own way, includes all the anarchists in the socialist camp (something Caplan, we are sure, did
not intend).

So what would be a useful definition of socialism? From our discussion on property we can
instantly reject Caplan's biased and simplistic starting points. In fact, a definition of socialism
which most socialists would agree with would be one that stated that "the whole produce of
labour ought to belong to the labourer" (to use words Thomas Hodgskin, an early English
socialist, from his essay Labour Defended against the Claims of Capital). Tucker stated that
"the bottom claim of Socialism" was "that labour should be put in possession of its own," that "the
natural wage of labour is its product" (see his essay State Socialism and Anarchism). This
definition also found favour with Kropotkin who stated that socialism "in its wide, generic, and true
sense" was an "effort to abolish the exploitation of labour by capital." [Kropotkin's
Revolutionary Pamphlets, p. 169]

From this position, socialists soon realised that (to again quote Kropotkin) "the only guarantee not
to by robbed of the fruits of your labour is to possess the instruments of labour." [The Conquest
of Bread, p. 145] Because of this socialism also could be defined as "the workers shall own the
means of production," as this automatically meant that the product would go to the producer, and,
in fact, this could also be a definition of socialism most socialists would agree with. The form of
this ownership, however, differed from socialist tendency to socialist tendency (some, like
Proudhon, proposed co-operative associations, others like Kropotkin communal ownership,
others like the Social Democrats state ownership and so on). Moreover, as the economy changed
in the 19th century, so did socialist ideas. Murray Bookchin gives a good summary of this
process:

"Th[e] growing shift from artisanal to an industrial economy gave rise to a gradual but
major shift in socialism itself. For the artisan, socialism meant producers' co-operatives
composed of men who worked together in small shared collectivist associations . . . For
the industrial proletarian, by contrast, socialism came to mean the formation of a mass
organisation that gave factory workers the collective power to expropriate a plant that no
single worker could properly own. . . They advocated public ownership of the means of
production, whether by the state or by the working class organised in trade unions." [The
Third Revolution, vol. 2, p. 262]
So,
in this evolution of socialism we can place the various brands of anarchism. Individualist
anarchism is clearly a form of artisanal socialism (which reflects its American roots) while
communist anarchism and anarcho-syndicalism are forms of industrial (or proletarian) socialism
(which reflects its roots in Europe). Proudhon's mutualism bridges these extremes, advocating as
it does artisan socialism for small-scale industry and agriculture and co-operative associations for
large-scale industry (which reflects the state of the French economy in the 1840s to 1860s). The
common feature of all these forms of anarchism is opposition to usury and the notion that
"workers shall own the means of production." Or, in Proudhon's words, "abolition of the
proletariat." [Op. Cit., p. 179] As one expert on Proudhon points out, Proudhon's support for
"association" (or "associative socialism") "anticipated all those later movements" which
demanded "that the economy be controlled neither by private enterprise nor by the state . . . but
by the producers" such as "the revolutionary syndicalists" and "the students of 1968." [K. Steven
Vincent, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and the Rise of French Republican Socialism, p. 165]
"Industrial Democracy must. . . succeed Industrial Feudalism," to again quote Proudhon. [Op.
Cit., p. 167]

Thus the common agreement between all socialists was that capitalism was based upon
exploitation and wage slavery, that workers did not have access to the means of production and
so had to sell themselves to the class that did. Thus we find Individualist Anarchists arguing that
the whole produce of labour ought to belong to the labourer and opposing the exploitation of
labour by capital. To use Tucker's own words:

"the fact that one class of men are dependent for their living upon the sale of their labour,
while another class of men are relieved of the necessity of labour by being legally
privileged to sell something that is not labour. . . . And to such a state of things I am as
much opposed as any one. But the minute you remove privilege . . . every man will be a
labourer exchanging with fellow-labourers . . . What Anarchistic-Socialism aims to abolish
is usury . . . it wants to deprive capital of its reward." [Instead of a Book, p. 404]
By e
nding wage labour, anarchist socialism would ensure "The land to the cultivator. The mine to the
miner. The tool to the labourer. The product to the producer" and so "everyone [would] be a
proprietor" and so there would be "no more proletaires" (in the words of Ernest Lesigne, quoted
favourably by Tucker as part of what he called a "summary exposition of Socialism from the

standpoint of Anarchism" [Op. Cit., p. 17, p. 16]). Wage labour, and so capitalism, would be no
more and "the product [would go] to the producer." The Individualist Anarchists, as Wm. Gary
Kline correctly points out, "expected a society of largely self-employed workmen with no
significant disparity of wealth between any of them." [The Individualist Anarchists, p. 104] In
other words, the "abolition of the proletariat" as desired by Proudhon.

Therefore, like all socialists, Tucker wanted to end usury, ensure the "product to the producer"
and this meant workers owning and controlling the means of production they used ("no more
proletaires"). He aimed to do this by reforming capitalism away by creating mutual banks and
other co-operatives (he notes that Individualist Anarchists followed Proudhon, who "would
individualise and associate" the productive and distributive forces in society [as quoted by James
J. Martin, Men Against the State, p. 228]). Here is Kropotkin on Proudhon's reformist mutualist-
socialism:

"When he proclaimed in his first memoir on property that 'Property is theft', he meant only
property in its present, Roman-law, sense of 'right of use and abuse'; in property-rights, on the
other hand, understood in the limited sense of possession, he saw the best protection against
the encroachments of the state. At the same time he did not want violently to dispossess the
present owners of land, dwelling-houses, mines, factories and so on. He preferred to attain the
same end by rendering capital incapable of earning interest." [Kropotkin's Revolutionary
Pamphlet's, pp. 290-1 -- emphasis added]

In other words, like all anarchists, Proudhon desired to see a society without capitalists and wage
slaves ("the same end") but achieved by different means. When Proudhon wrote to Karl Marx in
1846 he made the same point:

"through Political Economy we must turn the theory of Property against Property in such
a way as to create what you German socialists call community and which for the
moment I will only go so far as calling liberty or equality." [Selected Writings of Pierre-
Joseph Proudhon, p. 151]
In o
ther words, Proudhon shared the common aim of all socialists (namely to abolish capitalism,
wage labour and exploitation) but disagreed with the means. As can be seen, Tucker placed
himself squarely in this tradition and so could (and did) call himself a socialist. Little wonder
Joseph Labadie often said that "All anarchists are socialists, but not all socialists are anarchists."
That Caplan tries to ignore this aspect of Individualist Anarchism in an attempt to co-opt it into
"anarcho"-capitalism indicates well that his FAQ is not an objective or neutral work.

Caplan states that the "United States has been an even more fertile ground for individualist
anarchism: during the 19th-century, such figures as Josiah Warren, Lysander Spooner, and
Benjamin Tucker gained prominence for their vision of an anarchism based upon freedom of
contract and private property."

However, as indicated, Tucker and Spooner did not support private property in the capitalist
sense of the word and Kropotkin and Bakunin, no less than Tucker and Spooner, supported free
agreement between individuals and groups. What does that prove? That Caplan seems more
interested in the words Tucker and Proudhon used rather than the meanings they attached to
them. Hardly convincing.

Perhaps Caplan should consider Proudhon's words on the subject of socialism:

"Modern Socialism was not founded as a sect or church; it has seen a number of different
schools." [Selected Writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, p. 177]
If he
did perhaps he would who see that the Individualist Anarchists were a school of socialism, given
their opposition to exploitation and the desire to see its end via their political, economic and social
ideas.



3 - Was Proudhon a socialist or a capitalist?

In section 8 (Who are the major anarchist thinkers?), Caplan tries his best to claim that Proudhon
was not really a socialist at all. He states that "Pierre[-Joseph] Proudhon is also often included [as
a "left anarchist"] although his ideas on the desirability of a modified form of private property
would lead some to exclude him from the leftist camp altogether."

"Some" of which group? Other anarchists, like Bakunin and Kropotkin? Obviously not -- Bakunin
claimed that "Proudhon was the master of us all." According to George Woodcock Kropotkin was
one of Proudhon's "confessed disciples." Perhaps that makes Bakunin and Kropotkin proto-
capitalists? Obviously not. What about Tucker? He called Proudhon "the father of the Anarchistic
school of Socialism." [Instead of a Book, p. 381] And, as we noted above, the socialist historian
Carl Launder considered Proudhon a socialist, as did the noted British socialist G.D.H. Cole in his
History of Socialist Thought (and in fact called him one of the "major prophets of Socialism.").
What about Marx and Engels, surely they would be able to say if he was a socialist or not?
According to Engels, Proudhon was "the Socialist of the small peasant and master-craftsman."
[Marx and Engels, Selected Works, p. 260]

In fact, the only "left" (i.e. social) anarchist of note who seems to place Proudhon outside of the
"leftist" (i.e. anarchist) camp is Murray Bookchin. In the second volume of The Third Revolution
Bookchin argues that "Proudhon was no socialist" simply because he favoured "private property."
[p. 39] However, he does note the "one moral provision [that] distinguished the Proudhonist
contract from the capitalist contract" namely "it abjured profit and exploitation." [Op. Cit., pp. 40-
41] -- which, of course, places him in the socialist tradition (see last section). Unfortunately,
Bookchin fails to acknowledge this or that Proudhon was totally opposed to wage labour along
with usury, which, again, instantly places him in ranks of socialism (see, for example, the General
Idea of the Revolution, p. 98, pp. 215-6 and pp. 221-2, and his opposition to state control of
capital as being "more wage slavery" and, instead, urging whatever capital required collective
labour to be "democratically organised workers' associations" [No Gods, No Masters, vol. 1, p.
62]).

Bookchin (on page 78) quotes Proudhon as arguing that "association" was "a protest against the
wage system" which suggests that Bookchin's claims that Proudhonian "analysis minimised the
social relations embodied in the capitalist market and industry" [p. 180] is false. Given that wage
labour is the unique social relationship within capitalism, it is clear from Proudhon's works that he
did not "minimise" the social relations created by capitalism, rather the opposite. Proudhon's
opposition to wage labour clearly shows that he focused on the key social relation which
capitalism creates -- namely the one of domination of the worker by the capitalist.

Bookchin does mention that Proudhon was "obliged in 1851, in the wake of the associationist
ferment of 1848 and after, to acknowledge that association of some sort was unavoidable for
large-scale enterprises." [p. 78] However, Proudhon's support of industrial democracy pre-dates
1851 by some 11 years. He stated in What is Property? that he "preach[ed] emancipation to the

proletaires; association to the labourers" and that "leaders" within industry "must be chosen from
the labourers by the labourers themselves." [p. 137 and p. 414] It is significant that the first work
to call itself anarchist opposed property along with the state, exploitation along with oppression
and supported self-management against hierarchical relationships within production ("anarcho"-
capitalists take note!). Proudhon also called for "democratically organised workers' associations"
to run large-scale industry in his 1848 Election Manifesto. [No Gods, No Masters, vol. 1, p. 62]
Given that Bookchin considers as "authentic artisanal socialists" those who called for collective
ownership of the means of production, but "exempted from collectivisation the peasantry" [p. 4]
we have to conclude that Proudhon was such an "authentic" artisanal socialist! Indeed, at one
point Bookchin mentions the "individualistic artisanal socialism of Proudhon" [p. 258] which
suggests a somewhat confused approach to Proudhon's ideas!

In effect, Bookchin makes the same mistake as Caplan; but, unlike Caplan, he should know
better. Rather than not being a socialist, Proudhon is obviously an example of what Bookchin
himself calls "artisanal socialism" (as Marx and Engels recongised). Indeed, he notes that
Proudhon was its "most famous advocate" and that "nearly all so-called 'utopian' socialists, even
[Robert] Owen -- the most labour-orientated -- as well as Proudhon -- essentially sought the
equitable distribution of property." [p. 273] Given Proudhon's opposition to wage labour and
capitalist property and his support for industrial democracy as an alternative, Bookchin's position
is untenable -- he confuses socialism with communism, rejecting as socialist all views which are
not communism (a position he shares with right-libertarians).

He did not always hold this position, though. He writes in The Spanish Anarchists that:

"Proudhon envisions a free society as one in which small craftsmen, peasants, and
collectively owned industrial enterprises negotiate and contract with each other to satisfy
their material needs. Exploitation is brought to an end. . . Although these views involve a
break with capitalism, by no means can they be regarded as communist ideas. . ." [p. 18]
In c
ontrast to some of Bookchin's comments (and Caplan) K. Steven Vincent is correct to argue that,
for Proudhon, justice "applied to the economy was associative socialism" and so Proudhon is
squarely in the socialist camp [Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and the Rise of French Republican
Socialism, p. 228].

However, perhaps all these "leftists" are wrong (bar Bookchin, who is wrong, at least some of the
time). Perhaps they just did not understand what socialism actually is (and as Proudhon stated "I
am socialist" [Selected Writing of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, p. 195] and described himself as a
socialist many times this also applies to Proudhon himself!). So the question arises, did Proudhon
support private property in the capitalist sense of the word? The answer is no. To quote George
Woodcock summary of Proudhon's ideas on this subject we find:

"He [Proudhon] was denouncing the property of a man who uses it to exploit the labour of
others, without an effort on his own part, property distinguished by interest and rent, by
the impositions of the non-producer on the producer. Towards property regarded as
'possession,' the right of a man to control his dwelling and the land and tools he needs to
live, Proudhon had no hostility; indeed he regarded it as the cornerstone of liberty." ["On
Proudhon's 'What is Property?'", The Raven No. 31, pp. 208-9]
Geo
rge Crowder makes the same point:

"The ownership he opposes is basically that which is unearned . . . including such things
as interest on loans and income from rent. This is contrasted with ownership rights in
those goods either produced by the work of the owner or necessary for that work, for
example his dwelling-house, land and tools. Proudhon initially refers to legitimate rights of
ownership of these goods as 'possession,' and although in his latter work he calls this
'property,' the conceptual distinction remains the same." [Classical Anarchism, pp. 85-
86]
Inde
ed, according to Proudhon himself, the "accumulation of capital and instrument is what the
capitalist owes to the producer, but he never pays him for it. It is this fraudulent deprivation which
causes the poverty of the worker, the opulence of the idle and the inequality of their conditions.
And it is this, above all, which has so aptly been called the exploitation of man by man."
[Selected Writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, p. 43]

He called his ideas on possession a "third form of society, the synthesis of communism and
property" and calls it "liberty." [The Anarchist Reader, p. 68]. He even goes so far as to say that
property "by its despotism and encroachment, soon proves itself oppressive and anti-social." [Op.
Cit., p. 67] Opposing private property he thought that "all accumulated capital is collective
property, no one may be its exclusive owner." Indeed, he considered the aim of his economic
reforms "was to rescue the working masses from capitalist exploitation." [Selected Writings of
Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, p. 44, p. 80]

In other words, Proudhon considered capitalist property to be the source of exploitation and
oppression and he opposed it. He explicitly contrasts his ideas to that of capitalist property and
rejects it as a means of ensuring liberty.

Caplan goes on to claim that "[s]ome of Proudhon's other heterodoxies include his defence of the
right of inheritance and his emphasis on the genuine antagonism between state power and
property rights."

However, this is a common anarchist position. Anarchists are well aware that possession is a
source of independence within capitalism and so should be supported. As Albert Meltzer puts it:

"All present systems of ownership mean that some are deprived of the fruits of their
labour. It is true that, in a competitive society, only the possession of independent means
enables one to be free of the economy (that is what Proudhon meant when, addressing
himself to the self-employed artisan, he said 'property is liberty', which seems at first sight
a contradiction with his dictum that it was theft)"[Anarchism: Arguments For and
Against, pp. 12-13]
Mala
testa makes the same point:

"Our opponents . . . are in the habit of justifying the right to private property by stating that
property is the condition and guarantee of liberty.

"And we agree with them. Do we not say repeatedly that poverty is slavery?

"But then why do we oppose them?

"The reason is clear: in reality the property that they defend is capitalist property. . . which
therefore depends on the existence of a class of the disinherited and dispossessed,
forced to sell their labour to the property owners for a wage below its real value. . . This
means that workers are subjected to a kind of slavery." [The Anarchist Revolution, p.
113]
As d
oes Kropotkin:

"the only guarantee not to be robbed of the fruits of your labour is to possess the
instruments of labour. . . man really produces most when he works in freedom, when he
has a certain choice in his occupations, when he has no overseer to impede him, and
lastly, when he sees his work bringing profit to him and to others who work like him, but
bringing in little to idlers." [The Conquest of Bread, p. 145]
Perh
aps this makes these three well known anarcho-communists "really" proto-"anarcho"-capitalists
as well? Obviously not. Instead of wondering if his ideas on what socialism is are wrong, he tries
to rewrite history to fit the anarchist movement into his capitalist ideas of what anarchism,
socialism and whatever are actually like.

In addition, we must point out that Proudhon's "emphasis on the genuine antagonism between
state power and property rights" came from his later writings, in which he argued that property
rights were required to control state power. In other words, this "heterodoxy" came from a period
in which Proudhon did not think that state could be abolished and so "property is the only power
that can act as a counterweight to the State." [Selected Writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon,
p. 140] Of course, this "later" Proudhon also acknowledged that property was "an absolutism
within an absolutism," "by nature autocratic" and that its "politics could be summed up in a single
word," namely "exploitation." [p. 141, p. 140, p. 134]

Moreover, Proudhon argues that "spread[ing] it more equally and establish[ing] it more firmly in
society" is the means by which "property" "becomes a guarantee of liberty and keeps the State on an even keel." [p. 133, p. 140] In other words, rather than "property" as such limiting the state, it
is "property" divided equally through society which is the key, without concentrations of economic
power and inequality which would result in exploitation and oppression. Therefore, "[s]imple
justice. . . requires that equal division of land shall not only operate at the outset. If there is to be
no abuse, it must be maintained from generation to generation." [Op. Cit., p. 141, p. 133, p. 130].

Interestingly, one of Proudhon's "other heterodoxies" Caplan does not mention is his belief that
"property" was required not only to defend people against the state, but also capitalism. He saw
society dividing into "two classes, one of employed workers, the other of property-owners,
capitalists, entrepreneurs." He thus recognised that capitalism was just as oppressive as the state
and that it assured "the victory of the strong over the weak, of those who property over those who
own nothing." [as quoted by Alan Ritter, The Political Thought of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, p.
121] Thus Proudhon's argument that "property is liberty" is directed not only against the state, but
also against social inequality and concentrations of economic power and wealth.

Indeed, he considered that "companies of capitalists" were the "exploiters of the bodies and souls of their wage earners" and an outrage on "human dignity and personality." Instead of wage labour
he thought that the "industry to be operated, the work to be done, are the common and indivisible
property of all the participant workers." In other words, self-management and workers' control. In
this way there would be "no more government of man by man, by means of accumulation of
capital" and the "social republic" established. Hence his support for co-operatives:

"The importance of their work lies not in their petty union interests, but in their denial of
the rule of capitalists, usurers, and governments, which the first [French] revolution left
undisturbed. Afterwards, when they have conquered the political lie. . . the groups of
workers should take over the great departments of industry which are their natural
inheritance." [cited in Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, E. Hymans, pp. 190-1, and Anarchism,
George Woodcock, p. 110, 112]
In o
ther words, a socialist society as workers would no longer be separated from the means of
production and they would control their own work (the "abolition of the proletariat," to use
Proudhon's expression). This would mean recognising that "the right to products is exclusive - jus
in re; the right to means is common - jus ad rem" [cited by Woodcock, Anarchism, p. 96] which
would lead to self-management:

"In democratising us, revolution has launched us on the path of industrial democracy."
[Selected Writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, p. 63]
As
Woodcock points out, in Proudhon's "picture of the ideal society of the ideal society it is this
predominance of the small proprietor, the peasant or artisan, that immediately impresses one"
with "the creation of co-operative associations for the running of factories and railways." ["On
Proudhon's 'What is Property?'", Op. Cit., p. 209, p. 210]

All of which hardly supports Caplan's attempts to portray Proudhon as "really" a capitalist all
along. Indeed, the "later" Proudhon's support for protectionism [Selected Writings of Pierre-

Joseph Proudhon, p. 187], the "fixing after amicable discussion of a maximum and minimum
profit margin," "the organising of regulating societies" and that mutualism would "regulate the
market" [Op. Cit., p. 70] and his obvious awareness of economic power and that capitalism
exploited and oppressed the wage-worker suggests that rather than leading some to exclude
Proudhon from the "leftist camp" altogether, it is a case of excluding him utterly from the "rightist
camp" (i.e. "anarcho"-capitalism). Therefore Caplan's attempt to claim (co-opt would be better)
Proudhon for "anarcho"-capitalism indicates how far Caplan will twist (or ignore) the evidence. As
would quickly become obvious when reading his work, Proudhon would (to use Caplan's words)
"normally classify government, property, hierarchical organisations . . . as 'rulership.'"

To summarise, Proudhon was a socialist and Caplan's attempts to rewrite anarchist and socialist
history fails. Proudhon was the fountainhead for both wings of the anarchist movement and What
is Property? "embraces the core of nineteenth century anarchism. . . [bar support for revolution]
all the rest of later anarchism is there, spoken or implied: the conception of a free society united
by association, of workers controlling the means of production. . . [this book] remains the
foundation on which the whole edifice of nineteenth century anarchist theory was to be
constructed." [Op. Cit., p. 210]

Little wonder Bakunin stated that his ideas were Proudhonism "widely developed and pushed to
these, its final consequences." [Michael Bakunin: Selected Writings, p. 198]



4 - Tucker on Property, Communism and Socialism.

That Tucker called himself a socialist is quickly seen from Instead of A Book or any of the books
written about Tucker and his ideas. That Caplan seeks to deny this means that either Caplan has
not looked at either Instead of a Book or the secondary literature (with obvious implications for
the accuracy of his FAQ) or he decided to ignore these facts in favour of his own ideologically
tainted version of history (again with obvious implications for the accuracy and objectivity of his
FAQ).

Caplan, in an attempt to deny the obvious, quotes Tucker from 1887 as follows in section 14
(What are the major debates between anarchists? What are the recurring arguments?):

"It will probably surprise many who know nothing of Proudhon save his declaration that
'property is robbery' to learn that he was perhaps the most vigorous hater of Communism
that ever lived on this planet. But the apparent inconsistency vanishes when you read his
book and find that by property he means simply legally privileged wealth or the power of
usury, and not at all the possession by the labourer of his products."
You
will instantly notice that Proudhon does not mean by property "the possession of the labourer of
his products." However, Proudhon did include in his definition of "property" the possession of the
capital to steal profits from the work of the labourers. As is clear from the quote, Tucker and
Proudhon was opposed to capitalist property ("the power of usury"). From Caplan's own evidence
he proves that Tucker was not a capitalist!

But lets quote Tucker on what he meant by "usury":

"There are three forms of usury, interest on money, rent on land and houses, and profit in
exchange. Whoever is in receipt of any of these is a usurer." [cited in Men against the
State by James J. Martin, p. 208]
Whi
ch can hardly be claimed as being the words of a person who supports capitalism!

And we should note that Tucker considered both government and capital oppressive. He argued
that anarchism meant "the restriction of power to self and the abolition of power over others.
Government makes itself felt alike in country and in city, capital has its usurious grip on the farm
as surely as on the workshop and the oppressions and exactions of neither government nor
capital can be avoided by migration." [Instead of a Book, p. 114]

And, we may add, since when was socialism identical to communism? Perhaps Caplan should
actually read Proudhon and the anarchist critique of private property before writing such
nonsense? We have indicated Proudhon's ideas above and will not repeat ourselves. However, it
is interesting that this passes as "evidence" of "anti-socialism" for Caplan, indicating that he does
not know what socialism or anarchism actually is. To state the obvious, you can be a hater of
"communism" and still be a socialist!

So this, his one attempt to prove that Tucker, Spooner and even Proudhon were really capitalists
by quoting the actual people involved is a failure.

He asserts that for any claim that "anarcho"-capitalism is not anarchist is wrong because "the
factual supporting arguments are often incorrect. For example, despite a popular claim that
socialism and anarchism have been inextricably linked since the inception of the anarchist
movement, many 19th-century anarchists, not only Americans such as Tucker and Spooner, but
even Europeans like Proudhon, were ardently in favour of private property (merely believing that
some existing sorts of property were illegitimate, without opposing private property as such)."

The facts supporting the claim of anarchists being socialists, however, are not "incorrect." It is
Caplan's assumption that socialism is against all forms of "property" which is wrong. To state the
obvious, socialism does not equal communism (and anarcho-communists support the rights of
workers to own their own means of production if they do not wish to join communist communes –
see above). Thus Proudhon was renown as the leading French Socialist theorist when he was
alive. His ideas were widely known in the socialist movement and in many ways his economic
theories were similar to the ideas of such well known early socialists as Robert Owen and William
Thompson. As Kropotkin notes:

"It is worth noticing that French mutualism had its precursor in England, in William
Thompson, who began by mutualism before he became a communist, and in his
followers John Gray (A Lecture on Human Happiness, 1825; The Social System, 1831)
and J. F. Bray (Labour's Wrongs and Labour's Remedy, 1839)." [Kropotkin's
Revolutionary Pamphlets, p. 291]
Perh
aps Caplan will now claim Robert Owen and William Thompson as capitalists?

Tucker called himself a socialist on many different occasions and stated that there were "two
schools of Socialistic thought . . . State Socialism and Anarchism." And stated in very clear terms
that:
"liberty insists on Socialism. . . - true Socialism, Anarchistic Socialism: the prevalence on
earth of Liberty, Equality, and Solidarity." [Instead of a Book, p. 363]
And
like all socialists, he opposed capitalism (i.e. usury and wage slavery) and wished that "there
should be no more proletaires." [see the essay "State Socialism and Anarchism" in Instead of a
Book, p. 17]

Caplan, of course, is well aware of Tucker's opinions on the subject of capitalism and private
property. In section 13 (What moral justifications have been offered for anarchism?) he writes:

"Still other anarchists, such as Lysander Spooner and Benjamin Tucker as well as
Proudhon, have argued that anarchism would abolish the exploitation inherent in interest
and rent simply by means of free competition. In their view, only labour income is
legitimate, and an important piece of the case for anarchism is that without government-
imposed monopolies, non-labour income would be driven to zero by market forces. It is
unclear, however, if they regard this as merely a desirable side effect, or if they would
reject anarchism if they learned that the predicted economic effect thereof would not
actually occur."
Firs
tly, we must point that Proudhon, Tucker and Spooner considered profits to be exploitative as
well as interest and rent. Hence we find Tucker arguing that a "just distribution of the products of
labour is to be obtained by destroying all sources of income except labour. These sources may
be summed up in one word, -- usury; and the three principle forms of usury are interest, rent and
profit." [Instead of a Book, p. 474] To ignore the fact that Tucker also considered profit as
exploitative seems strange, to say the least, when presenting an account of his ideas.

Secondly, rather than it being "unclear" whether the end of usury was "merely a desirable side
effect" of anarchism, the opposite is the case. Anyone reading Tucker (or Proudhon) would
quickly see that their politics were formulated with the express aim of ending usury. Just one
example from hundreds:

"Liberty will abolish interest; it will abolish profit; it will abolish monopolistic rent; it will
abolish taxation; it will abolish the exploitation of labour; it will abolish all means whereby
any labourer can be deprived of any of his product." [Instead of a Book, p. 347]
Whil
e it is fair to wonder whether these economic effects would result from the application of Tucker's
ideas, it is distinctly incorrect to claim that the end of usury was considered in any way as a
"desirable side effect" of them. Rather, in their eyes, the end of usury was one of the aims of
Individualist Anarchism, as can be clearly seen. As Wm. Gary Kline points out in his excellent
account of Individualist Anarchism:

"the American anarchists exposed the tension existing in liberal thought between private
property and the ideal of equal access. The Individualist Anarchists were, at least, aware
that existing conditions were far from ideal, that the system itself worked against the
majority of individuals in their efforts to attain its promises. Lack of capital, the means to
creation and accumulation of wealth, usually doomed a labourer to a life of exploitation.
This the anarchists knew and they abhorred such a system." [The Individualist
Anarchists, p. 102]
This
is part of the reason why they considered themselves socialists and, equally as important, they
were considered socialists by other socialists such as Kropotkin and Rocker. The Individualist
Anarchists, as can be seen, fit very easily into Kropotkin's comments that "the anarchists, in
common with all socialists. . . maintain that the now prevailing system of private ownership in
land, and our capitalist production for the sake of profits, represent a monopoly which runs
against both the principles of justice and the dictates of utility." [Kropotkin's Revolutionary
Pamphlets, p. 285] Given that they considered profits as usury and proposed "occupancy and
use" in place of the prevailing land ownership rights they are obviously socialists.

That the end of usury was considered a clear aim of his politics explains Tucker's 1911 postscript
to his famous essay "State Socialism and Anarchism" in which he argues that "concentrated
capital" itself was a barrier towards anarchy. He argued that the "trust is now a monster which. . .
even the freest competition, could it be instituted, would be unable to destroy." While, in an earlier
period, big business "needed the money monopoly for its sustenance and its growth" its size now
ensured that it "sees in the money monopoly a convenience, to be sure, but no longer a
necessity. It can do without it." This meant that the way was now "not so clear." Indeed, he
argued that the problem of the trusts "must be grappled with for a time solely by forces political or
revolutionary" as the trust had moved beyond the reach of "economic forces" simply due to the
concentration of resources in its hands. ["Postscript" to State Socialism and Anarchism]

If the end of "usury" was considered a "side-effect" rather than an objective, then the problems of
the trusts and economic inequality/power ("enormous concentration of wealth") would not have
been an issue. That the fact of economic power was obviously considered a hindrance to
anarchy suggests the end of usury was a key aim, an aim which "free competition" in the abstract
could not achieve. Rather than take the "anarcho"-capitalist position that massive inequality did
not affect "free competition" or individual liberty, Tucker obviously thought it did and, therefore,
"free competition" (and so the abolition of the public state) in conditions of massive inequality
would not create an anarchist society.

By trying to relegate an aim to a "side-effect," Caplan distorts the ideas of Tucker. Indeed, his
comments on trusts, "concentrated capital" and the "enormous concentration of wealth" indicates
how far Individualist Anarchism is from "anarcho"-capitalism (which dismisses the question of
economic power Tucker raises out of hand). It also indicates the unity of political and economic
ideas, with Tucker being aware that without a suitable economic basis individual freedom was
meaningless. That an economy (like capitalism) with massive inequalities in wealth and so power
was not such a basis is obvious from Tucker's comments.

Thirdly, what did Tucker consider as a government-imposed monopoly? Private property,
particularly in land! As he states "Anarchism undertakes to protect no titles except such as are

based upon actual occupancy and use" and that anarchism "means the abolition of landlordism
and the annihilation of rent." [Instead of a Book, p. 61, p. 300] This, to state the obvious, is a
restriction on "private property" (in the capitalist sense), which, if we use Caplan's definition of
socialism, means that Tucker was obviously part of the "Leftist camp" (i.e. socialist camp). In
other words, Tucker considered capitalism as the product of statism while socialism (libertarian of
course) would be the product of anarchy.

So, Caplan's historical argument to support his notion that anarchism is simply anti-government
fails. Anarchism, in all its many forms, have distinct economic as well as political ideas and these
cannot be parted without loosing what makes anarchism unique. In particular, Caplan's attempt to
portray Proudhon as an example of a "pure" anti-government anarchism also fails, and so his
attempt to co-opt Tucker and Spooner also fails (as noted, Tucker cannot be classed as a "pure"
anti-government anarchist either). If Proudhon was a socialist, then it follows that his self-
proclaimed followers will also be socialists -- and, unsurprisingly, Tucker called himself a socialist
and considered anarchism as part of the wider socialist movement.

"Like Proudhon, Tucker was an 'un-marxian socialist'" [William O. Reichart, Partisans of
Freedom: A Study in American Anarchism, p. 157]



5 - Anarchism and "anarcho"-capitalism

Caplan tries to build upon the non-existent foundation of Tucker's and Proudhon's "capitalism" by
stating that:

"Nor did an ardent anarcho-communist like Kropotkin deny Proudhon or even Tucker the
title of 'anarchist.' In his Modern Science and Anarchism, Kropotkin discusses not only
Proudhon but 'the American anarchist individualists who were represented in the fifties by
S.P. Andrews and W. Greene, later on by Lysander Spooner, and now are represented
by Benjamin Tucker, the well-known editor of the New York Liberty.' Similarly in his article
on anarchism for the 1910 edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica, Kropotkin again freely
mentions the American individualist anarchists, including 'Benjamin Tucker, whose
journal Liberty was started in 1881 and whose conceptions are a combination of those of
Proudhon with those of Herbert Spencer.'"
Ther
e is a nice historical irony in Caplan's attempts to use Kropotkin to prove the historical validity of
"anarcho"-capitalism. This is because while Kropotkin was happy to include Tucker into the
anarchist movement, Tucker often claimed that an anarchist could not be a communist! In State
Socialism and Anarchism he stated that anarchism was "an ideal utterly inconsistent with that
of those Communists who falsely call themselves Anarchists while at the same time advocating a
regime of Archism fully as despotic as that of the State Socialists themselves." ["State Socialism
and Anarchism", Instead of a Book, pp. 15-16]

While modern social anarchists follow Kropotkin in not denying Proudhon or Tucker as
anarchists, we do deny the anarchist title to supporters of capitalism. Why? Simply because
anarchism as a political movement (as opposed to a dictionary definition) has always been anti-
capitalist and against capitalist wage slavery, exploitation and oppression. In other words,
anarchism (in all its forms) has always been associated with specific political and economic
ideas. Both Tucker and Kropotkin defined their anarchism as an opposition to both state and
capitalism. To quote Tucker on the subject:

"Liberty insists. . . [on] the abolition of the State and the abolition of usury; on no more
government of man by man, and no more exploitation of man by man." [cited in Native
American Anarchism - A Study of Left-Wing American Individualism by Eunice
Schuster, p. 140]
Krop
otkin defined anarchism as "the no-government system of socialism." [Kropotkin's
Revolutionary Pamphlets, p. 46] Malatesta argued that "when [people] sought to overthrow both
State and property -- then it was anarchy was born" and, like Tucker, aimed for "the complete
destruction of the domination and exploitation of man by man." [Life and Ideas, p. 19, pp. 22-28]
Indeed every leading anarchist theorist defined anarchism as opposition to government and
exploitation. Thus Brain Morris' excellent summary:

"Another criticism of anarchism is that it has a narrow view of politics: that it sees the
state as the fount of all evil, ignoring other aspects of social and economic life. This is a
misrepresentation of anarchism. It partly derives from the way anarchism has been
defined [in dictionaries, for example], and partly because Marxist historians have tried to
exclude anarchism from the broader socialist movement. But when one examines the
writings of classical anarchists. . . as well as the character of anarchist movements. . . it
is clearly evident that it has never had this limited vision. It has always challenged all
forms of authority and exploitation, and has been equally critical of capitalism and religion
as it has been of the state." ["Anthropology and Anarchism," Anarchy: A Journal of
Desire Armed no. 45, p. 40]
Ther
efore anarchism was never purely a political concept, but always combined an opposition to
oppression with an opposition to exploitation. Little wonder, then, that both strands of anarchism
have declared themselves "socialist" and so it is "conceptually and historically misleading" to
"create a dichotomy between socialism and anarchism." [Brian Morris, Op. Cit., p. 39] Needless
to say, anarchists oppose state socialism just as much as they oppose capitalism. All of which
means that anarchism and capitalism are two different political ideas with specific (and opposed)
meanings -- to deny these meanings by uniting the two terms creates an oxymoron, one that
denies the history and the development of ideas as well as the whole history of the anarchist
movement itself.

As Kropotkin knew Proudhon to be an anti-capitalist, a socialist (but not a communist) it is hardly
surprising that he mentions him. Again, Caplan's attempt to provide historical evidence for a
"right-wing" anarchism fails. Funny that the followers of Kropotkin are now defending individualist
anarchism from the attempted "adoption" by supporters of capitalism! That in itself should be
enough to indicate Caplan's attempt to use Kropotkin to give credence to "anarcho"-capitalist co-
option of Proudhon, Tucker and Spooner fails.

Interestingly, Caplan admits that "anarcho"-capitalism has recent origins. In section 8 (Who are
the major anarchist thinkers?) he states:

"Anarcho-capitalism has a much more recent origin in the latter half of the 20th century.
The two most famous advocates of anarcho-capitalism are probably Murray Rothbard
and David Friedman. There were however some interesting earlier precursors, notably
the Belgian economist Gustave de Molinari. Two other 19th-century anarchists who have
been ad
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Black Bloc

by occasioanl writer Friday, May. 02, 2003 at 4:19 AM

1 - Individualist Anarchists and the socialist movement.
Caplan, in his FAQ, attempts to rewrite anarchist history by trying to claim that the individualist
anarchists were forerunners of the so-called "anarcho-capitalist" school. However, as is so often
the case with Caplan's FAQ, nothing could be further from the truth.

In section 5 (What major subdivisions may be made among anarchists?) of his FAQ, Caplan
writes that:

"A large segment of left-anarchists is extremely sceptical about the anarchist credentials
of anarcho-capitalists, arguing that the anarchist movement has historically been clearly
leftist. In my own view, it is necessary to re-write a great deal of history to maintain this
claim."
He
quotes Carl Landauer's European Socialism: A History of Ideas and Movements as evidence:

"To be sure, there is a difference between individualistic anarchism and collectivistic or
communistic anarchism; Bakunin called himself a communist anarchist. But the
communist anarchists also do not acknowledge any right to society to force the individual.
They differ from the anarchistic individualists in their belief that men, if freed from
coercion, will enter into voluntary associations of a communistic type, while the other
wing believes that the free person will prefer a high degree of isolation. The communist
anarchists repudiate the right of private property which is maintained through the power
of the state. The individualist anarchists are inclined to maintain private property as a
necessary condition of individual independence, without fully answering the question of
how property could be maintained without courts and police."
Cap
lan goes on to state that "the interesting point is that before the emergence of modern anarcho-
capitalism Landauer found it necessary to distinguish two strands of anarchism, only one of which
he considered to be within the broad socialist tradition."

However, what Caplan seems to ignore is that both individualist and social anarchists agree that
there is a difference between the two schools of anarchist thought! Some insight. Of course,
Caplan tries to suggest that Landauer's non-discussion of the individualist anarchists is somehow
"evidence" that their ideas are not socialistic. Firstly, Landauer's book is about European
Socialism. Individualist anarchism was almost exclusively based in America and so hardly falls
within the book's subject area. Secondly, from the index Kropotkin is mentioned on two pages
(one of which a footnote). Does that mean Kropotkin was not a socialist? Of course not. It seems
likely, therefore, that Landauer is using the common Marxist terminology of defining Marxism as
Socialism, while calling other parts of the wider socialist movement by their self-proclaimed
names of anarchism, syndicalism and so on. Hardly surprising that Kropotkin is hardly mentioned
in a history of "Socialism" (i.e. Marxism).

As noted above, both schools of anarchism knew there was a difference between their ideas.
Kropotkin and Tucker, for example, both distinguished between two types of anarchism as well as
two types of socialism. Thus Caplan's "interesting point" is just a banality, a common fact which
anyone with a basic familiarity of anarchist history would know. Kropotkin in his justly famous
essay on Anarchism for The Encyclopaedia Britannica also found it necessary to distinguish
two strands of anarchism. As regards Caplan's claims that only one of these strands of anarchism
is "within the broad socialist tradition" all we can say is that both Kropotkin and Tucker
considered their ideas and movement to be part of the broader socialist tradition. According to an
expert on Individualist Anarchism, Tucker "looked upon anarchism as a branch of the general
socialist movement" [James J. Martin, Men Against the State, pp. 226-7]. Other writers on
Individualist Anarchism have noted the same fact (for example, Tucker "definitely thought of
himself a socialist" [William O. Reichart, Partisans of Freedom: A Study in American
Anarchism, p. 156]). As evidence of the anti-socialist nature of individualist anarchism, Caplan's
interpretation of Landauer's words is fundamentally nonsense. If you look at the writings of people
like Tucker you will see that they called themselves socialists and considered themselves part of
the wider socialist movement. No one familiar with Tucker's works could overlook this fact.

Interestingly, Landauer includes Proudhon in his history and states that he was "the most
profound thinker among pre-Marxian socialists." [p. 67] Given that Caplan elsewhere in his FAQ
tries to co-opt Proudhon into the "anarcho"-capitalist school as well as Tucker, his citing of
Landauer seems particularly dishonest. Landauer presents Proudhon's ideas in some depth in his
work within a chapter headed "The three Anticapitalistic Movements." Indeed, he starts his
discussion of Proudhon's ideas with the words "In France, post-Utopian socialism begins with
Peter Joseph Proudhon." [p. 59] Given that both Kropotkin and Tucker indicated that Individualist
Anarchism followed Proudhon's economic and political ideas the fact that Landauer states that
Proudhon was a socialist implies that Individualist Anarchism is also socialist (or "Leftist" to use
Caplan's term).

Tucker and the other individualist anarchists considered themselves as followers of Proudhon's
ideas (as did Bakunin and Kropotkin). For example, Tucker stated that his journal Liberty was
"brought into existence as a direct consequence of the teachings of Proudhon" and "lives
principally to spread them." [cited by Paul Avrich in his "Introduction" to Proudhon and his
"Bank of the People" by Charles A. Dana]

Obviously Landauer considered Proudhon a socialist and if Individualist Anarchism follows
Proudhon's ideas then it, too, must be socialist.

Unsurprisingly, then, Tucker also considered himself a socialist. To state the obvious, Tucker and
Bakunin both shared Proudhon's opposition to private property (in the capitalist sense of the
word), although Tucker confused this opposition (and possibly the casual reader) by talking about
possession as "property."

So, it appears that Caplan is the one trying to rewrite history.



2 - Why is Caplan's definition of socialism wrong?

Perhaps the problem lies with Caplan's "definition" of socialism. In section 7 (Is anarchism the
same thing as socialism?) he states:

"If we accept one traditional definition of socialism -- 'advocacy of government ownership
of the means of production' -- it seems that anarchists are not socialists by definition. But
if by socialism we mean something more inclusive, such as 'advocacy of the strong
restriction or abolition of private property,' then the question becomes more complex."
Which are hardly traditional definitions of socialism unless you are ignorant of socialist ideas! By defi
nition one, Bakunin and Kropotkin are not socialists. As far as definition two goes, all anarchists
were opposed to (capitalist) private property and argued for its abolition and its replacement with
possession. The actual forms of possession differed from between anarchist schools of thought,
but the common aim to end private property (capitalism) was still there. To quote Dana, in a
pamphlet called "a really intelligent, forceful, and sympathetic account of mutual banking" by
Tucker, individualist anarchists desire to "destroy the tyranny of capital,- that is, of property" by
mutual credit. [Charles A. Dana, Proudhon and his "Bank of the People", p. 46]

Interestingly, this second definition of socialism brings to light a contradiction in Caplan's account.
Elsewhere in the FAQ he notes that Proudhon had "ideas on the desirability of a modified form of
private property." In fact, Proudhon did desire to restrict private property to that of possession, as
Caplan himself seems aware. In other words, even taking his own definitions we find that
Proudhon would be considered a socialist! Indeed, according to Proudhon, "all accumulated
capital is collective property, no one may be its exclusive owner." [Selected Writings of Pierre-
Joseph Proudhon, p. 44] Thus Jeremy Jennings' summary of the anarchist position on private
property:

"The point to stress is that all anarchists [including Spooner and Tucker], and not only
those wedded to the predominant twentieth-century strain of anarchist communism have
been critical of private property to the extent that it was a source of hierarchy and
privilege."
He
goes on to state that anarchists like Tucker and Spooner "agreed with the proposition that
property was legitimate only insofar as it embraced no more than the total product of individual
labour." ["Anarchism", Contemporary Political Ideologies, Roger Eatwell and Anthony Wright
(eds.), p. 132]

The idea that socialism can be defined as state ownership or even opposition to, or "abolition" of,
all forms of property is not one which is historically accurate for all forms of socialism. Obviously
communist-anarchists and syndicalists would dismiss out of hand the identification of socialism as
state ownership, as would Individualist Anarchists like Tucker and Joseph Labadie. As for
opposition or abolition of all forms of "private property" as defining socialism, such a position
would have surprised communist-anarchists like Kropotkin (and, obviously, such self-proclaimed
socialists as Tucker and Labadie).

For example, in Act for Yourselves Kropotkin explicitly states that a peasant "who is in
possession of just the amount of land he can cultivate" would not be expropriated in an anarchist
revolution. Similarly for the family "inhabiting a house which affords them just enough space . . .
considered necessary for that number of people" and the artisan "working with their own tools or
handloom" would be left alone [pp. 104-5]. He makes the same point in The Conquest of Bread
[p. 61] Thus, like Proudhon, Kropotkin replaces private property with possession as the former
is "theft" (i.e. it allows exploitation, which "indicate[s] the scope of Expropriation" namely "to
everything that enables any man [or woman]. . . to appropriate the product of other's toil" [The
Conquest of Bread, p. 61])

Even Marx and Engels did not define socialism in terms of the abolition of all forms of "private
property." Like anarchists, they distinguished between that property which allows exploitation to
occur and that which did not. Looking at the Communist Manifesto we find them arguing that the
"distinguishing feature of Communism is not the abolition of property generally, but the abolition
of bourgeois property" and that "Communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate the
products of society; all that it does is to deprive him of the power to subjugate the labour of others
by means of such appropriation." Moreover, they correctly note that "property" has meant
different things at different times and that the "abolition of existing property relations is not at all a
distinctive feature of Communism" as "[a]ll property relations in the past have continually been
subject to historical change consequent upon the change in historical conditions." As an example,
they argue that the French Revolution "abolished feudal property in favour of bourgeois property."
[The Manifesto of the Communist Party]

Which means that the idea that socialism means abolishing "private property" is only true for
those kinds of property that are used to exploit the labour of others. Nicholas Walter sums up the
anarchist position when he wrote that anarchists "are in favour of the private property which
cannot be used by one person to exploit another." Reinventing Anarchy, p. 49] In other words,
property which is no longer truly private as it is used by those who do not own it. In effect, the
key point of Proudhon's What is Property?, namely the difference between possession and
property. Which means that rather than desire the abolition of all forms of "private property,"
socialists (of all kinds, libertarian and authoritarian) desire the abolition of a specific kind of
property, namely that kind which allows the exploitation and domination of others. To ignore this
distinction is to paint a very misleading picture of what socialism stands for.

This leaves the "the strong restriction . . . of private property" definition of socialism. Here Caplan
is on stronger ground. Unfortunately, by using that definition the Individualist Anarchists, like the
Social Anarchists, are included in socialist camp, a conclusion he is trying to avoid. As every
anarchist shares Proudhon's analysis that "property is theft" and that possession would be the
basis of anarchism, it means that every anarchist is a socialist (as Labadie always claimed). This
includes Tucker and the other Individualist Anarchists. For example, Joseph Labadie stated that
"the two great sub-divisions of Socialists" (anarchists and State Socialists) both "agree that the
resources of nature -- land, mines, and so forth -- should not be held as private property and
subject to being held by the individual for speculative purposes, that use of these things shall be
the only valid title, and that each person has an equal right to the use of all these things. They all
agree that the present social system is one composed of a class of slaves and a class of masters,
and that justice is impossible under such conditions." [What is Socialism?] Tucker himself
argued that the anarchists' "occupancy and use" title to land and other scare material would
involve a change (and, in effect, "restriction") of current (i.e. capitalist) property rights:

"It will be seen from this definition that Anarchistic property concerns only products. But
anything is a product upon which human labour has been expended. It should be stated,
however, that in the case of land, or of any other material the supply of which is so limited
that all cannot hold it in unlimited quantities, Anarchism undertakes to protect no titles
except such as are based on actual occupancy and use." [Instead of a Book, p. 61]
and
so:

"no advocate of occupancy and use believes that it can be put in force until as a theory it
has been accepted as generally . . . seen and accepted as is the prevailing theory of
ordinary private property." [Occupancy and Use versus the Single Tax]
So,
as can be seen, Individualist Anarchism rejected important aspects of capitalist property rights.
Given that the Individualist Anarchists were writing at a time when agriculture was still the largest
source of employment this position on land is much more significant than it first appears. In effect,
Tucker and the other American Anarchists were advocating a massive and fundamental change
in property-rights, in the social relationships they generated and in American society. This is, in
other words, a very "strong restriction" in capitalist property rights (and it is this type of property
Caplan is referring to, rather than "property" in the abstract).

However, such a "definition" of socialism as "restricting" private property is flawed as it does not
really reflect anarchist ideas on the subject. Anarchists, in effect, reject the simplistic analysis that
because a society (or thinker) accepts "property" that it (or he/she) is capitalistic. This is for two
reasons. Firstly, the term "property" has been used to describe a wide range of situations and
institutions. Thus Tucker used the term "property" to describe a society in which capitalist
property rights were not enforced. Secondly, and far more importantly, concentrating on
"property" rights in the abstract ignores the social relationships it generates. Freedom is product
of social interaction, not one of isolation. This means that the social relationships generated in a
given society are the key to evaluating it -- not whether it has "property" or not. To look at
"property" in the abstract is to ignore people and the relationships they create between each
other. And it is these relationships which determine whether they are free or not (and so exploited
or not). Caplan's use of the anti-property rights "definition" of socialism avoids the central issue of
freedom, of whether a given society generates oppression and exploitation or not. By looking at
"property" Caplan ignores liberty, a strange but unsurprising position for a self-proclaimed
"libertarian" to take.

Thus both of Caplan's "definitions" of socialism are lacking. A "traditional" one of government
ownership is hardly that and the one based on "property" rights avoids the key issue while, in its
own way, includes all the anarchists in the socialist camp (something Caplan, we are sure, did
not intend).

So what would be a useful definition of socialism? From our discussion on property we can
instantly reject Caplan's biased and simplistic starting points. In fact, a definition of socialism
which most socialists would agree with would be one that stated that "the whole produce of
labour ought to belong to the labourer" (to use words Thomas Hodgskin, an early English
socialist, from his essay Labour Defended against the Claims of Capital). Tucker stated that
"the bottom claim of Socialism" was "that labour should be put in possession of its own," that "the
natural wage of labour is its product" (see his essay State Socialism and Anarchism). This
definition also found favour with Kropotkin who stated that socialism "in its wide, generic, and true
sense" was an "effort to abolish the exploitation of labour by capital." [Kropotkin's
Revolutionary Pamphlets, p. 169]

From this position, socialists soon realised that (to again quote Kropotkin) "the only guarantee not
to by robbed of the fruits of your labour is to possess the instruments of labour." [The Conquest
of Bread, p. 145] Because of this socialism also could be defined as "the workers shall own the
means of production," as this automatically meant that the product would go to the producer, and,
in fact, this could also be a definition of socialism most socialists would agree with. The form of
this ownership, however, differed from socialist tendency to socialist tendency (some, like
Proudhon, proposed co-operative associations, others like Kropotkin communal ownership,
others like the Social Democrats state ownership and so on). Moreover, as the economy changed
in the 19th century, so did socialist ideas. Murray Bookchin gives a good summary of this
process:

"Th[e] growing shift from artisanal to an industrial economy gave rise to a gradual but
major shift in socialism itself. For the artisan, socialism meant producers' co-operatives
composed of men who worked together in small shared collectivist associations . . . For
the industrial proletarian, by contrast, socialism came to mean the formation of a mass
organisation that gave factory workers the collective power to expropriate a plant that no
single worker could properly own. . . They advocated public ownership of the means of
production, whether by the state or by the working class organised in trade unions." [The
Third Revolution, vol. 2, p. 262]
So,
in this evolution of socialism we can place the various brands of anarchism. Individualist
anarchism is clearly a form of artisanal socialism (which reflects its American roots) while
communist anarchism and anarcho-syndicalism are forms of industrial (or proletarian) socialism
(which reflects its roots in Europe). Proudhon's mutualism bridges these extremes, advocating as
it does artisan socialism for small-scale industry and agriculture and co-operative associations for
large-scale industry (which reflects the state of the French economy in the 1840s to 1860s). The
common feature of all these forms of anarchism is opposition to usury and the notion that
"workers shall own the means of production." Or, in Proudhon's words, "abolition of the
proletariat." [Op. Cit., p. 179] As one expert on Proudhon points out, Proudhon's support for
"association" (or "associative socialism") "anticipated all those later movements" which
demanded "that the economy be controlled neither by private enterprise nor by the state . . . but
by the producers" such as "the revolutionary syndicalists" and "the students of 1968." [K. Steven
Vincent, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and the Rise of French Republican Socialism, p. 165]
"Industrial Democracy must. . . succeed Industrial Feudalism," to again quote Proudhon. [Op.
Cit., p. 167]

Thus the common agreement between all socialists was that capitalism was based upon
exploitation and wage slavery, that workers did not have access to the means of production and
so had to sell themselves to the class that did. Thus we find Individualist Anarchists arguing that
the whole produce of labour ought to belong to the labourer and opposing the exploitation of
labour by capital. To use Tucker's own words:

"the fact that one class of men are dependent for their living upon the sale of their labour,
while another class of men are relieved of the necessity of labour by being legally
privileged to sell something that is not labour. . . . And to such a state of things I am as
much opposed as any one. But the minute you remove privilege . . . every man will be a
labourer exchanging with fellow-labourers . . . What Anarchistic-Socialism aims to abolish
is usury . . . it wants to deprive capital of its reward." [Instead of a Book, p. 404]
By e
nding wage labour, anarchist socialism would ensure "The land to the cultivator. The mine to the
miner. The tool to the labourer. The product to the producer" and so "everyone [would] be a
proprietor" and so there would be "no more proletaires" (in the words of Ernest Lesigne, quoted
favourably by Tucker as part of what he called a "summary exposition of Socialism from the

standpoint of Anarchism" [Op. Cit., p. 17, p. 16]). Wage labour, and so capitalism, would be no
more and "the product [would go] to the producer." The Individualist Anarchists, as Wm. Gary
Kline correctly points out, "expected a society of largely self-employed workmen with no
significant disparity of wealth between any of them." [The Individualist Anarchists, p. 104] In
other words, the "abolition of the proletariat" as desired by Proudhon.

Therefore, like all socialists, Tucker wanted to end usury, ensure the "product to the producer"
and this meant workers owning and controlling the means of production they used ("no more
proletaires"). He aimed to do this by reforming capitalism away by creating mutual banks and
other co-operatives (he notes that Individualist Anarchists followed Proudhon, who "would
individualise and associate" the productive and distributive forces in society [as quoted by James
J. Martin, Men Against the State, p. 228]). Here is Kropotkin on Proudhon's reformist mutualist-
socialism:

"When he proclaimed in his first memoir on property that 'Property is theft', he meant only
property in its present, Roman-law, sense of 'right of use and abuse'; in property-rights, on the
other hand, understood in the limited sense of possession, he saw the best protection against
the encroachments of the state. At the same time he did not want violently to dispossess the
present owners of land, dwelling-houses, mines, factories and so on. He preferred to attain the
same end by rendering capital incapable of earning interest." [Kropotkin's Revolutionary
Pamphlet's, pp. 290-1 -- emphasis added]

In other words, like all anarchists, Proudhon desired to see a society without capitalists and wage
slaves ("the same end") but achieved by different means. When Proudhon wrote to Karl Marx in
1846 he made the same point:

"through Political Economy we must turn the theory of Property against Property in such
a way as to create what you German socialists call community and which for the
moment I will only go so far as calling liberty or equality." [Selected Writings of Pierre-
Joseph Proudhon, p. 151]
In o
ther words, Proudhon shared the common aim of all socialists (namely to abolish capitalism,
wage labour and exploitation) but disagreed with the means. As can be seen, Tucker placed
himself squarely in this tradition and so could (and did) call himself a socialist. Little wonder
Joseph Labadie often said that "All anarchists are socialists, but not all socialists are anarchists."
That Caplan tries to ignore this aspect of Individualist Anarchism in an attempt to co-opt it into
"anarcho"-capitalism indicates well that his FAQ is not an objective or neutral work.

Caplan states that the "United States has been an even more fertile ground for individualist
anarchism: during the 19th-century, such figures as Josiah Warren, Lysander Spooner, and
Benjamin Tucker gained prominence for their vision of an anarchism based upon freedom of
contract and private property."

However, as indicated, Tucker and Spooner did not support private property in the capitalist
sense of the word and Kropotkin and Bakunin, no less than Tucker and Spooner, supported free
agreement between individuals and groups. What does that prove? That Caplan seems more
interested in the words Tucker and Proudhon used rather than the meanings they attached to
them. Hardly convincing.

Perhaps Caplan should consider Proudhon's words on the subject of socialism:

"Modern Socialism was not founded as a sect or church; it has seen a number of different
schools." [Selected Writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, p. 177]
If he
did perhaps he would who see that the Individualist Anarchists were a school of socialism, given
their opposition to exploitation and the desire to see its end via their political, economic and social
ideas.



3 - Was Proudhon a socialist or a capitalist?

In section 8 (Who are the major anarchist thinkers?), Caplan tries his best to claim that Proudhon
was not really a socialist at all. He states that "Pierre[-Joseph] Proudhon is also often included [as
a "left anarchist"] although his ideas on the desirability of a modified form of private property
would lead some to exclude him from the leftist camp altogether."

"Some" of which group? Other anarchists, like Bakunin and Kropotkin? Obviously not -- Bakunin
claimed that "Proudhon was the master of us all." According to George Woodcock Kropotkin was
one of Proudhon's "confessed disciples." Perhaps that makes Bakunin and Kropotkin proto-
capitalists? Obviously not. What about Tucker? He called Proudhon "the father of the Anarchistic
school of Socialism." [Instead of a Book, p. 381] And, as we noted above, the socialist historian
Carl Launder considered Proudhon a socialist, as did the noted British socialist G.D.H. Cole in his
History of Socialist Thought (and in fact called him one of the "major prophets of Socialism.").
What about Marx and Engels, surely they would be able to say if he was a socialist or not?
According to Engels, Proudhon was "the Socialist of the small peasant and master-craftsman."
[Marx and Engels, Selected Works, p. 260]

In fact, the only "left" (i.e. social) anarchist of note who seems to place Proudhon outside of the
"leftist" (i.e. anarchist) camp is Murray Bookchin. In the second volume of The Third Revolution
Bookchin argues that "Proudhon was no socialist" simply because he favoured "private property."
[p. 39] However, he does note the "one moral provision [that] distinguished the Proudhonist
contract from the capitalist contract" namely "it abjured profit and exploitation." [Op. Cit., pp. 40-
41] -- which, of course, places him in the socialist tradition (see last section). Unfortunately,
Bookchin fails to acknowledge this or that Proudhon was totally opposed to wage labour along
with usury, which, again, instantly places him in ranks of socialism (see, for example, the General
Idea of the Revolution, p. 98, pp. 215-6 and pp. 221-2, and his opposition to state control of
capital as being "more wage slavery" and, instead, urging whatever capital required collective
labour to be "democratically organised workers' associations" [No Gods, No Masters, vol. 1, p.
62]).

Bookchin (on page 78) quotes Proudhon as arguing that "association" was "a protest against the
wage system" which suggests that Bookchin's claims that Proudhonian "analysis minimised the
social relations embodied in the capitalist market and industry" [p. 180] is false. Given that wage
labour is the unique social relationship within capitalism, it is clear from Proudhon's works that he
did not "minimise" the social relations created by capitalism, rather the opposite. Proudhon's
opposition to wage labour clearly shows that he focused on the key social relation which
capitalism creates -- namely the one of domination of the worker by the capitalist.

Bookchin does mention that Proudhon was "obliged in 1851, in the wake of the associationist
ferment of 1848 and after, to acknowledge that association of some sort was unavoidable for
large-scale enterprises." [p. 78] However, Proudhon's support of industrial democracy pre-dates
1851 by some 11 years. He stated in What is Property? that he "preach[ed] emancipation to the

proletaires; association to the labourers" and that "leaders" within industry "must be chosen from
the labourers by the labourers themselves." [p. 137 and p. 414] It is significant that the first work
to call itself anarchist opposed property along with the state, exploitation along with oppression
and supported self-management against hierarchical relationships within production ("anarcho"-
capitalists take note!). Proudhon also called for "democratically organised workers' associations"
to run large-scale industry in his 1848 Election Manifesto. [No Gods, No Masters, vol. 1, p. 62]
Given that Bookchin considers as "authentic artisanal socialists" those who called for collective
ownership of the means of production, but "exempted from collectivisation the peasantry" [p. 4]
we have to conclude that Proudhon was such an "authentic" artisanal socialist! Indeed, at one
point Bookchin mentions the "individualistic artisanal socialism of Proudhon" [p. 258] which
suggests a somewhat confused approach to Proudhon's ideas!

In effect, Bookchin makes the same mistake as Caplan; but, unlike Caplan, he should know
better. Rather than not being a socialist, Proudhon is obviously an example of what Bookchin
himself calls "artisanal socialism" (as Marx and Engels recongised). Indeed, he notes that
Proudhon was its "most famous advocate" and that "nearly all so-called 'utopian' socialists, even
[Robert] Owen -- the most labour-orientated -- as well as Proudhon -- essentially sought the
equitable distribution of property." [p. 273] Given Proudhon's opposition to wage labour and
capitalist property and his support for industrial democracy as an alternative, Bookchin's position
is untenable -- he confuses socialism with communism, rejecting as socialist all views which are
not communism (a position he shares with right-libertarians).

He did not always hold this position, though. He writes in The Spanish Anarchists that:

"Proudhon envisions a free society as one in which small craftsmen, peasants, and
collectively owned industrial enterprises negotiate and contract with each other to satisfy
their material needs. Exploitation is brought to an end. . . Although these views involve a
break with capitalism, by no means can they be regarded as communist ideas. . ." [p. 18]
In c
ontrast to some of Bookchin's comments (and Caplan) K. Steven Vincent is correct to argue that,
for Proudhon, justice "applied to the economy was associative socialism" and so Proudhon is
squarely in the socialist camp [Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and the Rise of French Republican
Socialism, p. 228].

However, perhaps all these "leftists" are wrong (bar Bookchin, who is wrong, at least some of the
time). Perhaps they just did not understand what socialism actually is (and as Proudhon stated "I
am socialist" [Selected Writing of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, p. 195] and described himself as a
socialist many times this also applies to Proudhon himself!). So the question arises, did Proudhon
support private property in the capitalist sense of the word? The answer is no. To quote George
Woodcock summary of Proudhon's ideas on this subject we find:

"He [Proudhon] was denouncing the property of a man who uses it to exploit the labour of
others, without an effort on his own part, property distinguished by interest and rent, by
the impositions of the non-producer on the producer. Towards property regarded as
'possession,' the right of a man to control his dwelling and the land and tools he needs to
live, Proudhon had no hostility; indeed he regarded it as the cornerstone of liberty." ["On
Proudhon's 'What is Property?'", The Raven No. 31, pp. 208-9]
Geo
rge Crowder makes the same point:

"The ownership he opposes is basically that which is unearned . . . including such things
as interest on loans and income from rent. This is contrasted with ownership rights in
those goods either produced by the work of the owner or necessary for that work, for
example his dwelling-house, land and tools. Proudhon initially refers to legitimate rights of
ownership of these goods as 'possession,' and although in his latter work he calls this
'property,' the conceptual distinction remains the same." [Classical Anarchism, pp. 85-
86]
Inde
ed, according to Proudhon himself, the "accumulation of capital and instrument is what the
capitalist owes to the producer, but he never pays him for it. It is this fraudulent deprivation which
causes the poverty of the worker, the opulence of the idle and the inequality of their conditions.
And it is this, above all, which has so aptly been called the exploitation of man by man."
[Selected Writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, p. 43]

He called his ideas on possession a "third form of society, the synthesis of communism and
property" and calls it "liberty." [The Anarchist Reader, p. 68]. He even goes so far as to say that
property "by its despotism and encroachment, soon proves itself oppressive and anti-social." [Op.
Cit., p. 67] Opposing private property he thought that "all accumulated capital is collective
property, no one may be its exclusive owner." Indeed, he considered the aim of his economic
reforms "was to rescue the working masses from capitalist exploitation." [Selected Writings of
Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, p. 44, p. 80]

In other words, Proudhon considered capitalist property to be the source of exploitation and
oppression and he opposed it. He explicitly contrasts his ideas to that of capitalist property and
rejects it as a means of ensuring liberty.

Caplan goes on to claim that "[s]ome of Proudhon's other heterodoxies include his defence of the
right of inheritance and his emphasis on the genuine antagonism between state power and
property rights."

However, this is a common anarchist position. Anarchists are well aware that possession is a
source of independence within capitalism and so should be supported. As Albert Meltzer puts it:

"All present systems of ownership mean that some are deprived of the fruits of their
labour. It is true that, in a competitive society, only the possession of independent means
enables one to be free of the economy (that is what Proudhon meant when, addressing
himself to the self-employed artisan, he said 'property is liberty', which seems at first sight
a contradiction with his dictum that it was theft)"[Anarchism: Arguments For and
Against, pp. 12-13]
Mala
testa makes the same point:

"Our opponents . . . are in the habit of justifying the right to private property by stating that
property is the condition and guarantee of liberty.

"And we agree with them. Do we not say repeatedly that poverty is slavery?

"But then why do we oppose them?

"The reason is clear: in reality the property that they defend is capitalist property. . . which
therefore depends on the existence of a class of the disinherited and dispossessed,
forced to sell their labour to the property owners for a wage below its real value. . . This
means that workers are subjected to a kind of slavery." [The Anarchist Revolution, p.
113]
As d
oes Kropotkin:

"the only guarantee not to be robbed of the fruits of your labour is to possess the
instruments of labour. . . man really produces most when he works in freedom, when he
has a certain choice in his occupations, when he has no overseer to impede him, and
lastly, when he sees his work bringing profit to him and to others who work like him, but
bringing in little to idlers." [The Conquest of Bread, p. 145]
Perh
aps this makes these three well known anarcho-communists "really" proto-"anarcho"-capitalists
as well? Obviously not. Instead of wondering if his ideas on what socialism is are wrong, he tries
to rewrite history to fit the anarchist movement into his capitalist ideas of what anarchism,
socialism and whatever are actually like.

In addition, we must point out that Proudhon's "emphasis on the genuine antagonism between
state power and property rights" came from his later writings, in which he argued that property
rights were required to control state power. In other words, this "heterodoxy" came from a period
in which Proudhon did not think that state could be abolished and so "property is the only power
that can act as a counterweight to the State." [Selected Writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon,
p. 140] Of course, this "later" Proudhon also acknowledged that property was "an absolutism
within an absolutism," "by nature autocratic" and that its "politics could be summed up in a single
word," namely "exploitation." [p. 141, p. 140, p. 134]

Moreover, Proudhon argues that "spread[ing] it more equally and establish[ing] it more firmly in
society" is the means by which "property" "becomes a guarantee of liberty and keeps the State on an even keel." [p. 133, p. 140] In other words, rather than "property" as such limiting the state, it
is "property" divided equally through society which is the key, without concentrations of economic
power and inequality which would result in exploitation and oppression. Therefore, "[s]imple
justice. . . requires that equal division of land shall not only operate at the outset. If there is to be
no abuse, it must be maintained from generation to generation." [Op. Cit., p. 141, p. 133, p. 130].

Interestingly, one of Proudhon's "other heterodoxies" Caplan does not mention is his belief that
"property" was required not only to defend people against the state, but also capitalism. He saw
society dividing into "two classes, one of employed workers, the other of property-owners,
capitalists, entrepreneurs." He thus recognised that capitalism was just as oppressive as the state
and that it assured "the victory of the strong over the weak, of those who property over those who
own nothing." [as quoted by Alan Ritter, The Political Thought of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, p.
121] Thus Proudhon's argument that "property is liberty" is directed not only against the state, but
also against social inequality and concentrations of economic power and wealth.

Indeed, he considered that "companies of capitalists" were the "exploiters of the bodies and souls of their wage earners" and an outrage on "human dignity and personality." Instead of wage labour
he thought that the "industry to be operated, the work to be done, are the common and indivisible
property of all the participant workers." In other words, self-management and workers' control. In
this way there would be "no more government of man by man, by means of accumulation of
capital" and the "social republic" established. Hence his support for co-operatives:

"The importance of their work lies not in their petty union interests, but in their denial of
the rule of capitalists, usurers, and governments, which the first [French] revolution left
undisturbed. Afterwards, when they have conquered the political lie. . . the groups of
workers should take over the great departments of industry which are their natural
inheritance." [cited in Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, E. Hymans, pp. 190-1, and Anarchism,
George Woodcock, p. 110, 112]
In o
ther words, a socialist society as workers would no longer be separated from the means of
production and they would control their own work (the "abolition of the proletariat," to use
Proudhon's expression). This would mean recognising that "the right to products is exclusive - jus
in re; the right to means is common - jus ad rem" [cited by Woodcock, Anarchism, p. 96] which
would lead to self-management:

"In democratising us, revolution has launched us on the path of industrial democracy."
[Selected Writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, p. 63]
As
Woodcock points out, in Proudhon's "picture of the ideal society of the ideal society it is this
predominance of the small proprietor, the peasant or artisan, that immediately impresses one"
with "the creation of co-operative associations for the running of factories and railways." ["On
Proudhon's 'What is Property?'", Op. Cit., p. 209, p. 210]

All of which hardly supports Caplan's attempts to portray Proudhon as "really" a capitalist all
along. Indeed, the "later" Proudhon's support for protectionism [Selected Writings of Pierre-

Joseph Proudhon, p. 187], the "fixing after amicable discussion of a maximum and minimum
profit margin," "the organising of regulating societies" and that mutualism would "regulate the
market" [Op. Cit., p. 70] and his obvious awareness of economic power and that capitalism
exploited and oppressed the wage-worker suggests that rather than leading some to exclude
Proudhon from the "leftist camp" altogether, it is a case of excluding him utterly from the "rightist
camp" (i.e. "anarcho"-capitalism). Therefore Caplan's attempt to claim (co-opt would be better)
Proudhon for "anarcho"-capitalism indicates how far Caplan will twist (or ignore) the evidence. As
would quickly become obvious when reading his work, Proudhon would (to use Caplan's words)
"normally classify government, property, hierarchical organisations . . . as 'rulership.'"

To summarise, Proudhon was a socialist and Caplan's attempts to rewrite anarchist and socialist
history fails. Proudhon was the fountainhead for both wings of the anarchist movement and What
is Property? "embraces the core of nineteenth century anarchism. . . [bar support for revolution]
all the rest of later anarchism is there, spoken or implied: the conception of a free society united
by association, of workers controlling the means of production. . . [this book] remains the
foundation on which the whole edifice of nineteenth century anarchist theory was to be
constructed." [Op. Cit., p. 210]

Little wonder Bakunin stated that his ideas were Proudhonism "widely developed and pushed to
these, its final consequences." [Michael Bakunin: Selected Writings, p. 198]



4 - Tucker on Property, Communism and Socialism.

That Tucker called himself a socialist is quickly seen from Instead of A Book or any of the books
written about Tucker and his ideas. That Caplan seeks to deny this means that either Caplan has
not looked at either Instead of a Book or the secondary literature (with obvious implications for
the accuracy of his FAQ) or he decided to ignore these facts in favour of his own ideologically
tainted version of history (again with obvious implications for the accuracy and objectivity of his
FAQ).

Caplan, in an attempt to deny the obvious, quotes Tucker from 1887 as follows in section 14
(What are the major debates between anarchists? What are the recurring arguments?):

"It will probably surprise many who know nothing of Proudhon save his declaration that
'property is robbery' to learn that he was perhaps the most vigorous hater of Communism
that ever lived on this planet. But the apparent inconsistency vanishes when you read his
book and find that by property he means simply legally privileged wealth or the power of
usury, and not at all the possession by the labourer of his products."
You
will instantly notice that Proudhon does not mean by property "the possession of the labourer of
his products." However, Proudhon did include in his definition of "property" the possession of the
capital to steal profits from the work of the labourers. As is clear from the quote, Tucker and
Proudhon was opposed to capitalist property ("the power of usury"). From Caplan's own evidence
he proves that Tucker was not a capitalist!

But lets quote Tucker on what he meant by "usury":

"There are three forms of usury, interest on money, rent on land and houses, and profit in
exchange. Whoever is in receipt of any of these is a usurer." [cited in Men against the
State by James J. Martin, p. 208]
Whi
ch can hardly be claimed as being the words of a person who supports capitalism!

And we should note that Tucker considered both government and capital oppressive. He argued
that anarchism meant "the restriction of power to self and the abolition of power over others.
Government makes itself felt alike in country and in city, capital has its usurious grip on the farm
as surely as on the workshop and the oppressions and exactions of neither government nor
capital can be avoided by migration." [Instead of a Book, p. 114]

And, we may add, since when was socialism identical to communism? Perhaps Caplan should
actually read Proudhon and the anarchist critique of private property before writing such
nonsense? We have indicated Proudhon's ideas above and will not repeat ourselves. However, it
is interesting that this passes as "evidence" of "anti-socialism" for Caplan, indicating that he does
not know what socialism or anarchism actually is. To state the obvious, you can be a hater of
"communism" and still be a socialist!

So this, his one attempt to prove that Tucker, Spooner and even Proudhon were really capitalists
by quoting the actual people involved is a failure.

He asserts that for any claim that "anarcho"-capitalism is not anarchist is wrong because "the
factual supporting arguments are often incorrect. For example, despite a popular claim that
socialism and anarchism have been inextricably linked since the inception of the anarchist
movement, many 19th-century anarchists, not only Americans such as Tucker and Spooner, but
even Europeans like Proudhon, were ardently in favour of private property (merely believing that
some existing sorts of property were illegitimate, without opposing private property as such)."

The facts supporting the claim of anarchists being socialists, however, are not "incorrect." It is
Caplan's assumption that socialism is against all forms of "property" which is wrong. To state the
obvious, socialism does not equal communism (and anarcho-communists support the rights of
workers to own their own means of production if they do not wish to join communist communes –
see above). Thus Proudhon was renown as the leading French Socialist theorist when he was
alive. His ideas were widely known in the socialist movement and in many ways his economic
theories were similar to the ideas of such well known early socialists as Robert Owen and William
Thompson. As Kropotkin notes:

"It is worth noticing that French mutualism had its precursor in England, in William
Thompson, who began by mutualism before he became a communist, and in his
followers John Gray (A Lecture on Human Happiness, 1825; The Social System, 1831)
and J. F. Bray (Labour's Wrongs and Labour's Remedy, 1839)." [Kropotkin's
Revolutionary Pamphlets, p. 291]
Perh
aps Caplan will now claim Robert Owen and William Thompson as capitalists?

Tucker called himself a socialist on many different occasions and stated that there were "two
schools of Socialistic thought . . . State Socialism and Anarchism." And stated in very clear terms
that:
"liberty insists on Socialism. . . - true Socialism, Anarchistic Socialism: the prevalence on
earth of Liberty, Equality, and Solidarity." [Instead of a Book, p. 363]
And
like all socialists, he opposed capitalism (i.e. usury and wage slavery) and wished that "there
should be no more proletaires." [see the essay "State Socialism and Anarchism" in Instead of a
Book, p. 17]

Caplan, of course, is well aware of Tucker's opinions on the subject of capitalism and private
property. In section 13 (What moral justifications have been offered for anarchism?) he writes:

"Still other anarchists, such as Lysander Spooner and Benjamin Tucker as well as
Proudhon, have argued that anarchism would abolish the exploitation inherent in interest
and rent simply by means of free competition. In their view, only labour income is
legitimate, and an important piece of the case for anarchism is that without government-
imposed monopolies, non-labour income would be driven to zero by market forces. It is
unclear, however, if they regard this as merely a desirable side effect, or if they would
reject anarchism if they learned that the predicted economic effect thereof would not
actually occur."
Firs
tly, we must point that Proudhon, Tucker and Spooner considered profits to be exploitative as
well as interest and rent. Hence we find Tucker arguing that a "just distribution of the products of
labour is to be obtained by destroying all sources of income except labour. These sources may
be summed up in one word, -- usury; and the three principle forms of usury are interest, rent and
profit." [Instead of a Book, p. 474] To ignore the fact that Tucker also considered profit as
exploitative seems strange, to say the least, when presenting an account of his ideas.

Secondly, rather than it being "unclear" whether the end of usury was "merely a desirable side
effect" of anarchism, the opposite is the case. Anyone reading Tucker (or Proudhon) would
quickly see that their politics were formulated with the express aim of ending usury. Just one
example from hundreds:

"Liberty will abolish interest; it will abolish profit; it will abolish monopolistic rent; it will
abolish taxation; it will abolish the exploitation of labour; it will abolish all means whereby
any labourer can be deprived of any of his product." [Instead of a Book, p. 347]
Whil
e it is fair to wonder whether these economic effects would result from the application of Tucker's
ideas, it is distinctly incorrect to claim that the end of usury was considered in any way as a
"desirable side effect" of them. Rather, in their eyes, the end of usury was one of the aims of
Individualist Anarchism, as can be clearly seen. As Wm. Gary Kline points out in his excellent
account of Individualist Anarchism:

"the American anarchists exposed the tension existing in liberal thought between private
property and the ideal of equal access. The Individualist Anarchists were, at least, aware
that existing conditions were far from ideal, that the system itself worked against the
majority of individuals in their efforts to attain its promises. Lack of capital, the means to
creation and accumulation of wealth, usually doomed a labourer to a life of exploitation.
This the anarchists knew and they abhorred such a system." [The Individualist
Anarchists, p. 102]
This
is part of the reason why they considered themselves socialists and, equally as important, they
were considered socialists by other socialists such as Kropotkin and Rocker. The Individualist
Anarchists, as can be seen, fit very easily into Kropotkin's comments that "the anarchists, in
common with all socialists. . . maintain that the now prevailing system of private ownership in
land, and our capitalist production for the sake of profits, represent a monopoly which runs
against both the principles of justice and the dictates of utility." [Kropotkin's Revolutionary
Pamphlets, p. 285] Given that they considered profits as usury and proposed "occupancy and
use" in place of the prevailing land ownership rights they are obviously socialists.

That the end of usury was considered a clear aim of his politics explains Tucker's 1911 postscript
to his famous essay "State Socialism and Anarchism" in which he argues that "concentrated
capital" itself was a barrier towards anarchy. He argued that the "trust is now a monster which. . .
even the freest competition, could it be instituted, would be unable to destroy." While, in an earlier
period, big business "needed the money monopoly for its sustenance and its growth" its size now
ensured that it "sees in the money monopoly a convenience, to be sure, but no longer a
necessity. It can do without it." This meant that the way was now "not so clear." Indeed, he
argued that the problem of the trusts "must be grappled with for a time solely by forces political or
revolutionary" as the trust had moved beyond the reach of "economic forces" simply due to the
concentration of resources in its hands. ["Postscript" to State Socialism and Anarchism]

If the end of "usury" was considered a "side-effect" rather than an objective, then the problems of
the trusts and economic inequality/power ("enormous concentration of wealth") would not have
been an issue. That the fact of economic power was obviously considered a hindrance to
anarchy suggests the end of usury was a key aim, an aim which "free competition" in the abstract
could not achieve. Rather than take the "anarcho"-capitalist position that massive inequality did
not affect "free competition" or individual liberty, Tucker obviously thought it did and, therefore,
"free competition" (and so the abolition of the public state) in conditions of massive inequality
would not create an anarchist society.

By trying to relegate an aim to a "side-effect," Caplan distorts the ideas of Tucker. Indeed, his
comments on trusts, "concentrated capital" and the "enormous concentration of wealth" indicates
how far Individualist Anarchism is from "anarcho"-capitalism (which dismisses the question of
economic power Tucker raises out of hand). It also indicates the unity of political and economic
ideas, with Tucker being aware that without a suitable economic basis individual freedom was
meaningless. That an economy (like capitalism) with massive inequalities in wealth and so power
was not such a basis is obvious from Tucker's comments.

Thirdly, what did Tucker consider as a government-imposed monopoly? Private property,
particularly in land! As he states "Anarchism undertakes to protect no titles except such as are

based upon actual occupancy and use" and that anarchism "means the abolition of landlordism
and the annihilation of rent." [Instead of a Book, p. 61, p. 300] This, to state the obvious, is a
restriction on "private property" (in the capitalist sense), which, if we use Caplan's definition of
socialism, means that Tucker was obviously part of the "Leftist camp" (i.e. socialist camp). In
other words, Tucker considered capitalism as the product of statism while socialism (libertarian of
course) would be the product of anarchy.

So, Caplan's historical argument to support his notion that anarchism is simply anti-government
fails. Anarchism, in all its many forms, have distinct economic as well as political ideas and these
cannot be parted without loosing what makes anarchism unique. In particular, Caplan's attempt to
portray Proudhon as an example of a "pure" anti-government anarchism also fails, and so his
attempt to co-opt Tucker and Spooner also fails (as noted, Tucker cannot be classed as a "pure"
anti-government anarchist either). If Proudhon was a socialist, then it follows that his self-
proclaimed followers will also be socialists -- and, unsurprisingly, Tucker called himself a socialist
and considered anarchism as part of the wider socialist movement.

"Like Proudhon, Tucker was an 'un-marxian socialist'" [William O. Reichart, Partisans of
Freedom: A Study in American Anarchism, p. 157]



5 - Anarchism and "anarcho"-capitalism

Caplan tries to build upon the non-existent foundation of Tucker's and Proudhon's "capitalism" by
stating that:

"Nor did an ardent anarcho-communist like Kropotkin deny Proudhon or even Tucker the
title of 'anarchist.' In his Modern Science and Anarchism, Kropotkin discusses not only
Proudhon but 'the American anarchist individualists who were represented in the fifties by
S.P. Andrews and W. Greene, later on by Lysander Spooner, and now are represented
by Benjamin Tucker, the well-known editor of the New York Liberty.' Similarly in his article
on anarchism for the 1910 edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica, Kropotkin again freely
mentions the American individualist anarchists, including 'Benjamin Tucker, whose
journal Liberty was started in 1881 and whose conceptions are a combination of those of
Proudhon with those of Herbert Spencer.'"
Ther
e is a nice historical irony in Caplan's attempts to use Kropotkin to prove the historical validity of
"anarcho"-capitalism. This is because while Kropotkin was happy to include Tucker into the
anarchist movement, Tucker often claimed that an anarchist could not be a communist! In State
Socialism and Anarchism he stated that anarchism was "an ideal utterly inconsistent with that
of those Communists who falsely call themselves Anarchists while at the same time advocating a
regime of Archism fully as despotic as that of the State Socialists themselves." ["State Socialism
and Anarchism", Instead of a Book, pp. 15-16]

While modern social anarchists follow Kropotkin in not denying Proudhon or Tucker as
anarchists, we do deny the anarchist title to supporters of capitalism. Why? Simply because
anarchism as a political movement (as opposed to a dictionary definition) has always been anti-
capitalist and against capitalist wage slavery, exploitation and oppression. In other words,
anarchism (in all its forms) has always been associated with specific political and economic
ideas. Both Tucker and Kropotkin defined their anarchism as an opposition to both state and
capitalism. To quote Tucker on the subject:

"Liberty insists. . . [on] the abolition of the State and the abolition of usury; on no more
government of man by man, and no more exploitation of man by man." [cited in Native
American Anarchism - A Study of Left-Wing American Individualism by Eunice
Schuster, p. 140]
Krop
otkin defined anarchism as "the no-government system of socialism." [Kropotkin's
Revolutionary Pamphlets, p. 46] Malatesta argued that "when [people] sought to overthrow both
State and property -- then it was anarchy was born" and, like Tucker, aimed for "the complete
destruction of the domination and exploitation of man by man." [Life and Ideas, p. 19, pp. 22-28]
Indeed every leading anarchist theorist defined anarchism as opposition to government and
exploitation. Thus Brain Morris' excellent summary:

"Another criticism of anarchism is that it has a narrow view of politics: that it sees the
state as the fount of all evil, ignoring other aspects of social and economic life. This is a
misrepresentation of anarchism. It partly derives from the way anarchism has been
defined [in dictionaries, for example], and partly because Marxist historians have tried to
exclude anarchism from the broader socialist movement. But when one examines the
writings of classical anarchists. . . as well as the character of anarchist movements. . . it
is clearly evident that it has never had this limited vision. It has always challenged all
forms of authority and exploitation, and has been equally critical of capitalism and religion
as it has been of the state." ["Anthropology and Anarchism," Anarchy: A Journal of
Desire Armed no. 45, p. 40]
Ther
efore anarchism was never purely a political concept, but always combined an opposition to
oppression with an opposition to exploitation. Little wonder, then, that both strands of anarchism
have declared themselves "socialist" and so it is "conceptually and historically misleading" to
"create a dichotomy between socialism and anarchism." [Brian Morris, Op. Cit., p. 39] Needless
to say, anarchists oppose state socialism just as much as they oppose capitalism. All of which
means that anarchism and capitalism are two different political ideas with specific (and opposed)
meanings -- to deny these meanings by uniting the two terms creates an oxymoron, one that
denies the history and the development of ideas as well as the whole history of the anarchist
movement itself.

As Kropotkin knew Proudhon to be an anti-capitalist, a socialist (but not a communist) it is hardly
surprising that he mentions him. Again, Caplan's attempt to provide historical evidence for a
"right-wing" anarchism fails. Funny that the followers of Kropotkin are now defending individualist
anarchism from the attempted "adoption" by supporters of capitalism! That in itself should be
enough to indicate Caplan's attempt to use Kropotkin to give credence to "anarcho"-capitalist co-
option of Proudhon, Tucker and Spooner fails.

Interestingly, Caplan admits that "anarcho"-capitalism has recent origins. In section 8 (Who are
the major anarchist thinkers?) he states:

"Anarcho-capitalism has a much more recent origin in the latter half of the 20th century.
The two most famous advocates of anarcho-capitalism are probably Murray Rothbard
and David Friedman. There were however some interesting earlier precursors, notably
the Belgian economist Gustave de Molinari. Two other 19th-century anarchists who have
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Black Bloc

by anarchist Friday, May. 02, 2003 at 4:23 AM

1 - Individualist Anarchists and the socialist movement.
Caplan, in his FAQ, attempts to rewrite anarchist history by trying to claim that the individualist
anarchists were forerunners of the so-called "anarcho-capitalist" school. However, as is so often
the case with Caplan's FAQ, nothing could be further from the truth.

In section 5 (What major subdivisions may be made among anarchists?) of his FAQ, Caplan
writes that:

"A large segment of left-anarchists is extremely sceptical about the anarchist credentials
of anarcho-capitalists, arguing that the anarchist movement has historically been clearly
leftist. In my own view, it is necessary to re-write a great deal of history to maintain this
claim."
He
quotes Carl Landauer's European Socialism: A History of Ideas and Movements as evidence:

"To be sure, there is a difference between individualistic anarchism and collectivistic or
communistic anarchism; Bakunin called himself a communist anarchist. But the
communist anarchists also do not acknowledge any right to society to force the individual.
They differ from the anarchistic individualists in their belief that men, if freed from
coercion, will enter into voluntary associations of a communistic type, while the other
wing believes that the free person will prefer a high degree of isolation. The communist
anarchists repudiate the right of private property which is maintained through the power
of the state. The individualist anarchists are inclined to maintain private property as a
necessary condition of individual independence, without fully answering the question of
how property could be maintained without courts and police."
Cap
lan goes on to state that "the interesting point is that before the emergence of modern anarcho-
capitalism Landauer found it necessary to distinguish two strands of anarchism, only one of which
he considered to be within the broad socialist tradition."

However, what Caplan seems to ignore is that both individualist and social anarchists agree that
there is a difference between the two schools of anarchist thought! Some insight. Of course,
Caplan tries to suggest that Landauer's non-discussion of the individualist anarchists is somehow
"evidence" that their ideas are not socialistic. Firstly, Landauer's book is about European
Socialism. Individualist anarchism was almost exclusively based in America and so hardly falls
within the book's subject area. Secondly, from the index Kropotkin is mentioned on two pages
(one of which a footnote). Does that mean Kropotkin was not a socialist? Of course not. It seems
likely, therefore, that Landauer is using the common Marxist terminology of defining Marxism as
Socialism, while calling other parts of the wider socialist movement by their self-proclaimed
names of anarchism, syndicalism and so on. Hardly surprising that Kropotkin is hardly mentioned
in a history of "Socialism" (i.e. Marxism).

As noted above, both schools of anarchism knew there was a difference between their ideas.
Kropotkin and Tucker, for example, both distinguished between two types of anarchism as well as
two types of socialism. Thus Caplan's "interesting point" is just a banality, a common fact which
anyone with a basic familiarity of anarchist history would know. Kropotkin in his justly famous
essay on Anarchism for The Encyclopaedia Britannica also found it necessary to distinguish
two strands of anarchism. As regards Caplan's claims that only one of these strands of anarchism
is "within the broad socialist tradition" all we can say is that both Kropotkin and Tucker
considered their ideas and movement to be part of the broader socialist tradition. According to an
expert on Individualist Anarchism, Tucker "looked upon anarchism as a branch of the general
socialist movement" [James J. Martin, Men Against the State, pp. 226-7]. Other writers on
Individualist Anarchism have noted the same fact (for example, Tucker "definitely thought of
himself a socialist" [William O. Reichart, Partisans of Freedom: A Study in American
Anarchism, p. 156]). As evidence of the anti-socialist nature of individualist anarchism, Caplan's
interpretation of Landauer's words is fundamentally nonsense. If you look at the writings of people
like Tucker you will see that they called themselves socialists and considered themselves part of
the wider socialist movement. No one familiar with Tucker's works could overlook this fact.

Interestingly, Landauer includes Proudhon in his history and states that he was "the most
profound thinker among pre-Marxian socialists." [p. 67] Given that Caplan elsewhere in his FAQ
tries to co-opt Proudhon into the "anarcho"-capitalist school as well as Tucker, his citing of
Landauer seems particularly dishonest. Landauer presents Proudhon's ideas in some depth in his
work within a chapter headed "The three Anticapitalistic Movements." Indeed, he starts his
discussion of Proudhon's ideas with the words "In France, post-Utopian socialism begins with
Peter Joseph Proudhon." [p. 59] Given that both Kropotkin and Tucker indicated that Individualist
Anarchism followed Proudhon's economic and political ideas the fact that Landauer states that
Proudhon was a socialist implies that Individualist Anarchism is also socialist (or "Leftist" to use
Caplan's term).

Tucker and the other individualist anarchists considered themselves as followers of Proudhon's
ideas (as did Bakunin and Kropotkin). For example, Tucker stated that his journal Liberty was
"brought into existence as a direct consequence of the teachings of Proudhon" and "lives
principally to spread them." [cited by Paul Avrich in his "Introduction" to Proudhon and his
"Bank of the People" by Charles A. Dana]

Obviously Landauer considered Proudhon a socialist and if Individualist Anarchism follows
Proudhon's ideas then it, too, must be socialist.

Unsurprisingly, then, Tucker also considered himself a socialist. To state the obvious, Tucker and
Bakunin both shared Proudhon's opposition to private property (in the capitalist sense of the
word), although Tucker confused this opposition (and possibly the casual reader) by talking about
possession as "property."

So, it appears that Caplan is the one trying to rewrite history.



2 - Why is Caplan's definition of socialism wrong?

Perhaps the problem lies with Caplan's "definition" of socialism. In section 7 (Is anarchism the
same thing as socialism?) he states:

"If we accept one traditional definition of socialism -- 'advocacy of government ownership
of the means of production' -- it seems that anarchists are not socialists by definition. But
if by socialism we mean something more inclusive, such as 'advocacy of the strong
restriction or abolition of private property,' then the question becomes more complex."
Which are hardly traditional definitions of socialism unless you are ignorant of socialist ideas! By defi
nition one, Bakunin and Kropotkin are not socialists. As far as definition two goes, all anarchists
were opposed to (capitalist) private property and argued for its abolition and its replacement with
possession. The actual forms of possession differed from between anarchist schools of thought,
but the common aim to end private property (capitalism) was still there. To quote Dana, in a
pamphlet called "a really intelligent, forceful, and sympathetic account of mutual banking" by
Tucker, individualist anarchists desire to "destroy the tyranny of capital,- that is, of property" by
mutual credit. [Charles A. Dana, Proudhon and his "Bank of the People", p. 46]

Interestingly, this second definition of socialism brings to light a contradiction in Caplan's account.
Elsewhere in the FAQ he notes that Proudhon had "ideas on the desirability of a modified form of
private property." In fact, Proudhon did desire to restrict private property to that of possession, as
Caplan himself seems aware. In other words, even taking his own definitions we find that
Proudhon would be considered a socialist! Indeed, according to Proudhon, "all accumulated
capital is collective property, no one may be its exclusive owner." [Selected Writings of Pierre-
Joseph Proudhon, p. 44] Thus Jeremy Jennings' summary of the anarchist position on private
property:

"The point to stress is that all anarchists [including Spooner and Tucker], and not only
those wedded to the predominant twentieth-century strain of anarchist communism have
been critical of private property to the extent that it was a source of hierarchy and
privilege."
He
goes on to state that anarchists like Tucker and Spooner "agreed with the proposition that
property was legitimate only insofar as it embraced no more than the total product of individual
labour." ["Anarchism", Contemporary Political Ideologies, Roger Eatwell and Anthony Wright
(eds.), p. 132]

The idea that socialism can be defined as state ownership or even opposition to, or "abolition" of,
all forms of property is not one which is historically accurate for all forms of socialism. Obviously
communist-anarchists and syndicalists would dismiss out of hand the identification of socialism as
state ownership, as would Individualist Anarchists like Tucker and Joseph Labadie. As for
opposition or abolition of all forms of "private property" as defining socialism, such a position
would have surprised communist-anarchists like Kropotkin (and, obviously, such self-proclaimed
socialists as Tucker and Labadie).

For example, in Act for Yourselves Kropotkin explicitly states that a peasant "who is in
possession of just the amount of land he can cultivate" would not be expropriated in an anarchist
revolution. Similarly for the family "inhabiting a house which affords them just enough space . . .
considered necessary for that number of people" and the artisan "working with their own tools or
handloom" would be left alone [pp. 104-5]. He makes the same point in The Conquest of Bread
[p. 61] Thus, like Proudhon, Kropotkin replaces private property with possession as the former
is "theft" (i.e. it allows exploitation, which "indicate[s] the scope of Expropriation" namely "to
everything that enables any man [or woman]. . . to appropriate the product of other's toil" [The
Conquest of Bread, p. 61])

Even Marx and Engels did not define socialism in terms of the abolition of all forms of "private
property." Like anarchists, they distinguished between that property which allows exploitation to
occur and that which did not. Looking at the Communist Manifesto we find them arguing that the
"distinguishing feature of Communism is not the abolition of property generally, but the abolition
of bourgeois property" and that "Communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate the
products of society; all that it does is to deprive him of the power to subjugate the labour of others
by means of such appropriation." Moreover, they correctly note that "property" has meant
different things at different times and that the "abolition of existing property relations is not at all a
distinctive feature of Communism" as "[a]ll property relations in the past have continually been
subject to historical change consequent upon the change in historical conditions." As an example,
they argue that the French Revolution "abolished feudal property in favour of bourgeois property."
[The Manifesto of the Communist Party]

Which means that the idea that socialism means abolishing "private property" is only true for
those kinds of property that are used to exploit the labour of others. Nicholas Walter sums up the
anarchist position when he wrote that anarchists "are in favour of the private property which
cannot be used by one person to exploit another." Reinventing Anarchy, p. 49] In other words,
property which is no longer truly private as it is used by those who do not own it. In effect, the
key point of Proudhon's What is Property?, namely the difference between possession and
property. Which means that rather than desire the abolition of all forms of "private property,"
socialists (of all kinds, libertarian and authoritarian) desire the abolition of a specific kind of
property, namely that kind which allows the exploitation and domination of others. To ignore this
distinction is to paint a very misleading picture of what socialism stands for.

This leaves the "the strong restriction . . . of private property" definition of socialism. Here Caplan
is on stronger ground. Unfortunately, by using that definition the Individualist Anarchists, like the
Social Anarchists, are included in socialist camp, a conclusion he is trying to avoid. As every
anarchist shares Proudhon's analysis that "property is theft" and that possession would be the
basis of anarchism, it means that every anarchist is a socialist (as Labadie always claimed). This
includes Tucker and the other Individualist Anarchists. For example, Joseph Labadie stated that
"the two great sub-divisions of Socialists" (anarchists and State Socialists) both "agree that the
resources of nature -- land, mines, and so forth -- should not be held as private property and
subject to being held by the individual for speculative purposes, that use of these things shall be
the only valid title, and that each person has an equal right to the use of all these things. They all
agree that the present social system is one composed of a class of slaves and a class of masters,
and that justice is impossible under such conditions." [What is Socialism?] Tucker himself
argued that the anarchists' "occupancy and use" title to land and other scare material would
involve a change (and, in effect, "restriction") of current (i.e. capitalist) property rights:

"It will be seen from this definition that Anarchistic property concerns only products. But
anything is a product upon which human labour has been expended. It should be stated,
however, that in the case of land, or of any other material the supply of which is so limited
that all cannot hold it in unlimited quantities, Anarchism undertakes to protect no titles
except such as are based on actual occupancy and use." [Instead of a Book, p. 61]
and
so:

"no advocate of occupancy and use believes that it can be put in force until as a theory it
has been accepted as generally . . . seen and accepted as is the prevailing theory of
ordinary private property." [Occupancy and Use versus the Single Tax]
So,
as can be seen, Individualist Anarchism rejected important aspects of capitalist property rights.
Given that the Individualist Anarchists were writing at a time when agriculture was still the largest
source of employment this position on land is much more significant than it first appears. In effect,
Tucker and the other American Anarchists were advocating a massive and fundamental change
in property-rights, in the social relationships they generated and in American society. This is, in
other words, a very "strong restriction" in capitalist property rights (and it is this type of property
Caplan is referring to, rather than "property" in the abstract).

However, such a "definition" of socialism as "restricting" private property is flawed as it does not
really reflect anarchist ideas on the subject. Anarchists, in effect, reject the simplistic analysis that
because a society (or thinker) accepts "property" that it (or he/she) is capitalistic. This is for two
reasons. Firstly, the term "property" has been used to describe a wide range of situations and
institutions. Thus Tucker used the term "property" to describe a society in which capitalist
property rights were not enforced. Secondly, and far more importantly, concentrating on
"property" rights in the abstract ignores the social relationships it generates. Freedom is product
of social interaction, not one of isolation. This means that the social relationships generated in a
given society are the key to evaluating it -- not whether it has "property" or not. To look at
"property" in the abstract is to ignore people and the relationships they create between each
other. And it is these relationships which determine whether they are free or not (and so exploited
or not). Caplan's use of the anti-property rights "definition" of socialism avoids the central issue of
freedom, of whether a given society generates oppression and exploitation or not. By looking at
"property" Caplan ignores liberty, a strange but unsurprising position for a self-proclaimed
"libertarian" to take.

Thus both of Caplan's "definitions" of socialism are lacking. A "traditional" one of government
ownership is hardly that and the one based on "property" rights avoids the key issue while, in its
own way, includes all the anarchists in the socialist camp (something Caplan, we are sure, did
not intend).

So what would be a useful definition of socialism? From our discussion on property we can
instantly reject Caplan's biased and simplistic starting points. In fact, a definition of socialism
which most socialists would agree with would be one that stated that "the whole produce of
labour ought to belong to the labourer" (to use words Thomas Hodgskin, an early English
socialist, from his essay Labour Defended against the Claims of Capital). Tucker stated that
"the bottom claim of Socialism" was "that labour should be put in possession of its own," that "the
natural wage of labour is its product" (see his essay State Socialism and Anarchism). This
definition also found favour with Kropotkin who stated that socialism "in its wide, generic, and true
sense" was an "effort to abolish the exploitation of labour by capital." [Kropotkin's
Revolutionary Pamphlets, p. 169]

From this position, socialists soon realised that (to again quote Kropotkin) "the only guarantee not
to by robbed of the fruits of your labour is to possess the instruments of labour." [The Conquest
of Bread, p. 145] Because of this socialism also could be defined as "the workers shall own the
means of production," as this automatically meant that the product would go to the producer, and,
in fact, this could also be a definition of socialism most socialists would agree with. The form of
this ownership, however, differed from socialist tendency to socialist tendency (some, like
Proudhon, proposed co-operative associations, others like Kropotkin communal ownership,
others like the Social Democrats state ownership and so on). Moreover, as the economy changed
in the 19th century, so did socialist ideas. Murray Bookchin gives a good summary of this
process:

"Th[e] growing shift from artisanal to an industrial economy gave rise to a gradual but
major shift in socialism itself. For the artisan, socialism meant producers' co-operatives
composed of men who worked together in small shared collectivist associations . . . For
the industrial proletarian, by contrast, socialism came to mean the formation of a mass
organisation that gave factory workers the collective power to expropriate a plant that no
single worker could properly own. . . They advocated public ownership of the means of
production, whether by the state or by the working class organised in trade unions." [The
Third Revolution, vol. 2, p. 262]
So,
in this evolution of socialism we can place the various brands of anarchism. Individualist
anarchism is clearly a form of artisanal socialism (which reflects its American roots) while
communist anarchism and anarcho-syndicalism are forms of industrial (or proletarian) socialism
(which reflects its roots in Europe). Proudhon's mutualism bridges these extremes, advocating as
it does artisan socialism for small-scale industry and agriculture and co-operative associations for
large-scale industry (which reflects the state of the French economy in the 1840s to 1860s). The
common feature of all these forms of anarchism is opposition to usury and the notion that
"workers shall own the means of production." Or, in Proudhon's words, "abolition of the
proletariat." [Op. Cit., p. 179] As one expert on Proudhon points out, Proudhon's support for
"association" (or "associative socialism") "anticipated all those later movements" which
demanded "that the economy be controlled neither by private enterprise nor by the state . . . but
by the producers" such as "the revolutionary syndicalists" and "the students of 1968." [K. Steven
Vincent, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and the Rise of French Republican Socialism, p. 165]
"Industrial Democracy must. . . succeed Industrial Feudalism," to again quote Proudhon. [Op.
Cit., p. 167]

Thus the common agreement between all socialists was that capitalism was based upon
exploitation and wage slavery, that workers did not have access to the means of production and
so had to sell themselves to the class that did. Thus we find Individualist Anarchists arguing that
the whole produce of labour ought to belong to the labourer and opposing the exploitation of
labour by capital. To use Tucker's own words:

"the fact that one class of men are dependent for their living upon the sale of their labour,
while another class of men are relieved of the necessity of labour by being legally
privileged to sell something that is not labour. . . . And to such a state of things I am as
much opposed as any one. But the minute you remove privilege . . . every man will be a
labourer exchanging with fellow-labourers . . . What Anarchistic-Socialism aims to abolish
is usury . . . it wants to deprive capital of its reward." [Instead of a Book, p. 404]
By e
nding wage labour, anarchist socialism would ensure "The land to the cultivator. The mine to the
miner. The tool to the labourer. The product to the producer" and so "everyone [would] be a
proprietor" and so there would be "no more proletaires" (in the words of Ernest Lesigne, quoted
favourably by Tucker as part of what he called a "summary exposition of Socialism from the

standpoint of Anarchism" [Op. Cit., p. 17, p. 16]). Wage labour, and so capitalism, would be no
more and "the product [would go] to the producer." The Individualist Anarchists, as Wm. Gary
Kline correctly points out, "expected a society of largely self-employed workmen with no
significant disparity of wealth between any of them." [The Individualist Anarchists, p. 104] In
other words, the "abolition of the proletariat" as desired by Proudhon.

Therefore, like all socialists, Tucker wanted to end usury, ensure the "product to the producer"
and this meant workers owning and controlling the means of production they used ("no more
proletaires"). He aimed to do this by reforming capitalism away by creating mutual banks and
other co-operatives (he notes that Individualist Anarchists followed Proudhon, who "would
individualise and associate" the productive and distributive forces in society [as quoted by James
J. Martin, Men Against the State, p. 228]). Here is Kropotkin on Proudhon's reformist mutualist-
socialism:

"When he proclaimed in his first memoir on property that 'Property is theft', he meant only
property in its present, Roman-law, sense of 'right of use and abuse'; in property-rights, on the
other hand, understood in the limited sense of possession, he saw the best protection against
the encroachments of the state. At the same time he did not want violently to dispossess the
present owners of land, dwelling-houses, mines, factories and so on. He preferred to attain the
same end by rendering capital incapable of earning interest." [Kropotkin's Revolutionary
Pamphlet's, pp. 290-1 -- emphasis added]

In other words, like all anarchists, Proudhon desired to see a society without capitalists and wage
slaves ("the same end") but achieved by different means. When Proudhon wrote to Karl Marx in
1846 he made the same point:

"through Political Economy we must turn the theory of Property against Property in such
a way as to create what you German socialists call community and which for the
moment I will only go so far as calling liberty or equality." [Selected Writings of Pierre-
Joseph Proudhon, p. 151]
In o
ther words, Proudhon shared the common aim of all socialists (namely to abolish capitalism,
wage labour and exploitation) but disagreed with the means. As can be seen, Tucker placed
himself squarely in this tradition and so could (and did) call himself a socialist. Little wonder
Joseph Labadie often said that "All anarchists are socialists, but not all socialists are anarchists."
That Caplan tries to ignore this aspect of Individualist Anarchism in an attempt to co-opt it into
"anarcho"-capitalism indicates well that his FAQ is not an objective or neutral work.

Caplan states that the "United States has been an even more fertile ground for individualist
anarchism: during the 19th-century, such figures as Josiah Warren, Lysander Spooner, and
Benjamin Tucker gained prominence for their vision of an anarchism based upon freedom of
contract and private property."

However, as indicated, Tucker and Spooner did not support private property in the capitalist
sense of the word and Kropotkin and Bakunin, no less than Tucker and Spooner, supported free
agreement between individuals and groups. What does that prove? That Caplan seems more
interested in the words Tucker and Proudhon used rather than the meanings they attached to
them. Hardly convincing.

Perhaps Caplan should consider Proudhon's words on the subject of socialism:

"Modern Socialism was not founded as a sect or church; it has seen a number of different
schools." [Selected Writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, p. 177]
If he
did perhaps he would who see that the Individualist Anarchists were a school of socialism, given
their opposition to exploitation and the desire to see its end via their political, economic and social
ideas.



3 - Was Proudhon a socialist or a capitalist?

In section 8 (Who are the major anarchist thinkers?), Caplan tries his best to claim that Proudhon
was not really a socialist at all. He states that "Pierre[-Joseph] Proudhon is also often included [as
a "left anarchist"] although his ideas on the desirability of a modified form of private property
would lead some to exclude him from the leftist camp altogether."

"Some" of which group? Other anarchists, like Bakunin and Kropotkin? Obviously not -- Bakunin
claimed that "Proudhon was the master of us all." According to George Woodcock Kropotkin was
one of Proudhon's "confessed disciples." Perhaps that makes Bakunin and Kropotkin proto-
capitalists? Obviously not. What about Tucker? He called Proudhon "the father of the Anarchistic
school of Socialism." [Instead of a Book, p. 381] And, as we noted above, the socialist historian
Carl Launder considered Proudhon a socialist, as did the noted British socialist G.D.H. Cole in his
History of Socialist Thought (and in fact called him one of the "major prophets of Socialism.").
What about Marx and Engels, surely they would be able to say if he was a socialist or not?
According to Engels, Proudhon was "the Socialist of the small peasant and master-craftsman."
[Marx and Engels, Selected Works, p. 260]

In fact, the only "left" (i.e. social) anarchist of note who seems to place Proudhon outside of the
"leftist" (i.e. anarchist) camp is Murray Bookchin. In the second volume of The Third Revolution
Bookchin argues that "Proudhon was no socialist" simply because he favoured "private property."
[p. 39] However, he does note the "one moral provision [that] distinguished the Proudhonist
contract from the capitalist contract" namely "it abjured profit and exploitation." [Op. Cit., pp. 40-
41] -- which, of course, places him in the socialist tradition (see last section). Unfortunately,
Bookchin fails to acknowledge this or that Proudhon was totally opposed to wage labour along
with usury, which, again, instantly places him in ranks of socialism (see, for example, the General
Idea of the Revolution, p. 98, pp. 215-6 and pp. 221-2, and his opposition to state control of
capital as being "more wage slavery" and, instead, urging whatever capital required collective
labour to be "democratically organised workers' associations" [No Gods, No Masters, vol. 1, p.
62]).

Bookchin (on page 78) quotes Proudhon as arguing that "association" was "a protest against the
wage system" which suggests that Bookchin's claims that Proudhonian "analysis minimised the
social relations embodied in the capitalist market and industry" [p. 180] is false. Given that wage
labour is the unique social relationship within capitalism, it is clear from Proudhon's works that he
did not "minimise" the social relations created by capitalism, rather the opposite. Proudhon's
opposition to wage labour clearly shows that he focused on the key social relation which
capitalism creates -- namely the one of domination of the worker by the capitalist.

Bookchin does mention that Proudhon was "obliged in 1851, in the wake of the associationist
ferment of 1848 and after, to acknowledge that association of some sort was unavoidable for
large-scale enterprises." [p. 78] However, Proudhon's support of industrial democracy pre-dates
1851 by some 11 years. He stated in What is Property? that he "preach[ed] emancipation to the

proletaires; association to the labourers" and that "leaders" within industry "must be chosen from
the labourers by the labourers themselves." [p. 137 and p. 414] It is significant that the first work
to call itself anarchist opposed property along with the state, exploitation along with oppression
and supported self-management against hierarchical relationships within production ("anarcho"-
capitalists take note!). Proudhon also called for "democratically organised workers' associations"
to run large-scale industry in his 1848 Election Manifesto. [No Gods, No Masters, vol. 1, p. 62]
Given that Bookchin considers as "authentic artisanal socialists" those who called for collective
ownership of the means of production, but "exempted from collectivisation the peasantry" [p. 4]
we have to conclude that Proudhon was such an "authentic" artisanal socialist! Indeed, at one
point Bookchin mentions the "individualistic artisanal socialism of Proudhon" [p. 258] which
suggests a somewhat confused approach to Proudhon's ideas!

In effect, Bookchin makes the same mistake as Caplan; but, unlike Caplan, he should know
better. Rather than not being a socialist, Proudhon is obviously an example of what Bookchin
himself calls "artisanal socialism" (as Marx and Engels recongised). Indeed, he notes that
Proudhon was its "most famous advocate" and that "nearly all so-called 'utopian' socialists, even
[Robert] Owen -- the most labour-orientated -- as well as Proudhon -- essentially sought the
equitable distribution of property." [p. 273] Given Proudhon's opposition to wage labour and
capitalist property and his support for industrial democracy as an alternative, Bookchin's position
is untenable -- he confuses socialism with communism, rejecting as socialist all views which are
not communism (a position he shares with right-libertarians).

He did not always hold this position, though. He writes in The Spanish Anarchists that:

"Proudhon envisions a free society as one in which small craftsmen, peasants, and
collectively owned industrial enterprises negotiate and contract with each other to satisfy
their material needs. Exploitation is brought to an end. . . Although these views involve a
break with capitalism, by no means can they be regarded as communist ideas. . ." [p. 18]
In c
ontrast to some of Bookchin's comments (and Caplan) K. Steven Vincent is correct to argue that,
for Proudhon, justice "applied to the economy was associative socialism" and so Proudhon is
squarely in the socialist camp [Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and the Rise of French Republican
Socialism, p. 228].

However, perhaps all these "leftists" are wrong (bar Bookchin, who is wrong, at least some of the
time). Perhaps they just did not understand what socialism actually is (and as Proudhon stated "I
am socialist" [Selected Writing of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, p. 195] and described himself as a
socialist many times this also applies to Proudhon himself!). So the question arises, did Proudhon
support private property in the capitalist sense of the word? The answer is no. To quote George
Woodcock summary of Proudhon's ideas on this subject we find:

"He [Proudhon] was denouncing the property of a man who uses it to exploit the labour of
others, without an effort on his own part, property distinguished by interest and rent, by
the impositions of the non-producer on the producer. Towards property regarded as
'possession,' the right of a man to control his dwelling and the land and tools he needs to
live, Proudhon had no hostility; indeed he regarded it as the cornerstone of liberty." ["On
Proudhon's 'What is Property?'", The Raven No. 31, pp. 208-9]
Geo
rge Crowder makes the same point:

"The ownership he opposes is basically that which is unearned . . . including such things
as interest on loans and income from rent. This is contrasted with ownership rights in
those goods either produced by the work of the owner or necessary for that work, for
example his dwelling-house, land and tools. Proudhon initially refers to legitimate rights of
ownership of these goods as 'possession,' and although in his latter work he calls this
'property,' the conceptual distinction remains the same." [Classical Anarchism, pp. 85-
86]
Inde
ed, according to Proudhon himself, the "accumulation of capital and instrument is what the
capitalist owes to the producer, but he never pays him for it. It is this fraudulent deprivation which
causes the poverty of the worker, the opulence of the idle and the inequality of their conditions.
And it is this, above all, which has so aptly been called the exploitation of man by man."
[Selected Writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, p. 43]

He called his ideas on possession a "third form of society, the synthesis of communism and
property" and calls it "liberty." [The Anarchist Reader, p. 68]. He even goes so far as to say that
property "by its despotism and encroachment, soon proves itself oppressive and anti-social." [Op.
Cit., p. 67] Opposing private property he thought that "all accumulated capital is collective
property, no one may be its exclusive owner." Indeed, he considered the aim of his economic
reforms "was to rescue the working masses from capitalist exploitation." [Selected Writings of
Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, p. 44, p. 80]

In other words, Proudhon considered capitalist property to be the source of exploitation and
oppression and he opposed it. He explicitly contrasts his ideas to that of capitalist property and
rejects it as a means of ensuring liberty.

Caplan goes on to claim that "[s]ome of Proudhon's other heterodoxies include his defence of the
right of inheritance and his emphasis on the genuine antagonism between state power and
property rights."

However, this is a common anarchist position. Anarchists are well aware that possession is a
source of independence within capitalism and so should be supported. As Albert Meltzer puts it:

"All present systems of ownership mean that some are deprived of the fruits of their
labour. It is true that, in a competitive society, only the possession of independent means
enables one to be free of the economy (that is what Proudhon meant when, addressing
himself to the self-employed artisan, he said 'property is liberty', which seems at first sight
a contradiction with his dictum that it was theft)"[Anarchism: Arguments For and
Against, pp. 12-13]
Mala
testa makes the same point:

"Our opponents . . . are in the habit of justifying the right to private property by stating that
property is the condition and guarantee of liberty.

"And we agree with them. Do we not say repeatedly that poverty is slavery?

"But then why do we oppose them?

"The reason is clear: in reality the property that they defend is capitalist property. . . which
therefore depends on the existence of a class of the disinherited and dispossessed,
forced to sell their labour to the property owners for a wage below its real value. . . This
means that workers are subjected to a kind of slavery." [The Anarchist Revolution, p.
113]
As d
oes Kropotkin:

"the only guarantee not to be robbed of the fruits of your labour is to possess the
instruments of labour. . . man really produces most when he works in freedom, when he
has a certain choice in his occupations, when he has no overseer to impede him, and
lastly, when he sees his work bringing profit to him and to others who work like him, but
bringing in little to idlers." [The Conquest of Bread, p. 145]
Perh
aps this makes these three well known anarcho-communists "really" proto-"anarcho"-capitalists
as well? Obviously not. Instead of wondering if his ideas on what socialism is are wrong, he tries
to rewrite history to fit the anarchist movement into his capitalist ideas of what anarchism,
socialism and whatever are actually like.

In addition, we must point out that Proudhon's "emphasis on the genuine antagonism between
state power and property rights" came from his later writings, in which he argued that property
rights were required to control state power. In other words, this "heterodoxy" came from a period
in which Proudhon did not think that state could be abolished and so "property is the only power
that can act as a counterweight to the State." [Selected Writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon,
p. 140] Of course, this "later" Proudhon also acknowledged that property was "an absolutism
within an absolutism," "by nature autocratic" and that its "politics could be summed up in a single
word," namely "exploitation." [p. 141, p. 140, p. 134]

Moreover, Proudhon argues that "spread[ing] it more equally and establish[ing] it more firmly in
society" is the means by which "property" "becomes a guarantee of liberty and keeps the State on an even keel." [p. 133, p. 140] In other words, rather than "property" as such limiting the state, it
is "property" divided equally through society which is the key, without concentrations of economic
power and inequality which would result in exploitation and oppression. Therefore, "[s]imple
justice. . . requires that equal division of land shall not only operate at the outset. If there is to be
no abuse, it must be maintained from generation to generation." [Op. Cit., p. 141, p. 133, p. 130].

Interestingly, one of Proudhon's "other heterodoxies" Caplan does not mention is his belief that
"property" was required not only to defend people against the state, but also capitalism. He saw
society dividing into "two classes, one of employed workers, the other of property-owners,
capitalists, entrepreneurs." He thus recognised that capitalism was just as oppressive as the state
and that it assured "the victory of the strong over the weak, of those who property over those who
own nothing." [as quoted by Alan Ritter, The Political Thought of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, p.
121] Thus Proudhon's argument that "property is liberty" is directed not only against the state, but
also against social inequality and concentrations of economic power and wealth.

Indeed, he considered that "companies of capitalists" were the "exploiters of the bodies and souls of their wage earners" and an outrage on "human dignity and personality." Instead of wage labour
he thought that the "industry to be operated, the work to be done, are the common and indivisible
property of all the participant workers." In other words, self-management and workers' control. In
this way there would be "no more government of man by man, by means of accumulation of
capital" and the "social republic" established. Hence his support for co-operatives:

"The importance of their work lies not in their petty union interests, but in their denial of
the rule of capitalists, usurers, and governments, which the first [French] revolution left
undisturbed. Afterwards, when they have conquered the political lie. . . the groups of
workers should take over the great departments of industry which are their natural
inheritance." [cited in Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, E. Hymans, pp. 190-1, and Anarchism,
George Woodcock, p. 110, 112]
In o
ther words, a socialist society as workers would no longer be separated from the means of
production and they would control their own work (the "abolition of the proletariat," to use
Proudhon's expression). This would mean recognising that "the right to products is exclusive - jus
in re; the right to means is common - jus ad rem" [cited by Woodcock, Anarchism, p. 96] which
would lead to self-management:

"In democratising us, revolution has launched us on the path of industrial democracy."
[Selected Writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, p. 63]
As
Woodcock points out, in Proudhon's "picture of the ideal society of the ideal society it is this
predominance of the small proprietor, the peasant or artisan, that immediately impresses one"
with "the creation of co-operative associations for the running of factories and railways." ["On
Proudhon's 'What is Property?'", Op. Cit., p. 209, p. 210]

All of which hardly supports Caplan's attempts to portray Proudhon as "really" a capitalist all
along. Indeed, the "later" Proudhon's support for protectionism [Selected Writings of Pierre-

Joseph Proudhon, p. 187], the "fixing after amicable discussion of a maximum and minimum
profit margin," "the organising of regulating societies" and that mutualism would "regulate the
market" [Op. Cit., p. 70] and his obvious awareness of economic power and that capitalism
exploited and oppressed the wage-worker suggests that rather than leading some to exclude
Proudhon from the "leftist camp" altogether, it is a case of excluding him utterly from the "rightist
camp" (i.e. "anarcho"-capitalism). Therefore Caplan's attempt to claim (co-opt would be better)
Proudhon for "anarcho"-capitalism indicates how far Caplan will twist (or ignore) the evidence. As
would quickly become obvious when reading his work, Proudhon would (to use Caplan's words)
"normally classify government, property, hierarchical organisations . . . as 'rulership.'"

To summarise, Proudhon was a socialist and Caplan's attempts to rewrite anarchist and socialist
history fails. Proudhon was the fountainhead for both wings of the anarchist movement and What
is Property? "embraces the core of nineteenth century anarchism. . . [bar support for revolution]
all the rest of later anarchism is there, spoken or implied: the conception of a free society united
by association, of workers controlling the means of production. . . [this book] remains the
foundation on which the whole edifice of nineteenth century anarchist theory was to be
constructed." [Op. Cit., p. 210]

Little wonder Bakunin stated that his ideas were Proudhonism "widely developed and pushed to
these, its final consequences." [Michael Bakunin: Selected Writings, p. 198]



4 - Tucker on Property, Communism and Socialism.

That Tucker called himself a socialist is quickly seen from Instead of A Book or any of the books
written about Tucker and his ideas. That Caplan seeks to deny this means that either Caplan has
not looked at either Instead of a Book or the secondary literature (with obvious implications for
the accuracy of his FAQ) or he decided to ignore these facts in favour of his own ideologically
tainted version of history (again with obvious implications for the accuracy and objectivity of his
FAQ).

Caplan, in an attempt to deny the obvious, quotes Tucker from 1887 as follows in section 14
(What are the major debates between anarchists? What are the recurring arguments?):

"It will probably surprise many who know nothing of Proudhon save his declaration that
'property is robbery' to learn that he was perhaps the most vigorous hater of Communism
that ever lived on this planet. But the apparent inconsistency vanishes when you read his
book and find that by property he means simply legally privileged wealth or the power of
usury, and not at all the possession by the labourer of his products."
You
will instantly notice that Proudhon does not mean by property "the possession of the labourer of
his products." However, Proudhon did include in his definition of "property" the possession of the
capital to steal profits from the work of the labourers. As is clear from the quote, Tucker and
Proudhon was opposed to capitalist property ("the power of usury"). From Caplan's own evidence
he proves that Tucker was not a capitalist!

But lets quote Tucker on what he meant by "usury":

"There are three forms of usury, interest on money, rent on land and houses, and profit in
exchange. Whoever is in receipt of any of these is a usurer." [cited in Men against the
State by James J. Martin, p. 208]
Whi
ch can hardly be claimed as being the words of a person who supports capitalism!

And we should note that Tucker considered both government and capital oppressive. He argued
that anarchism meant "the restriction of power to self and the abolition of power over others.
Government makes itself felt alike in country and in city, capital has its usurious grip on the farm
as surely as on the workshop and the oppressions and exactions of neither government nor
capital can be avoided by migration." [Instead of a Book, p. 114]

And, we may add, since when was socialism identical to communism? Perhaps Caplan should
actually read Proudhon and the anarchist critique of private property before writing such
nonsense? We have indicated Proudhon's ideas above and will not repeat ourselves. However, it
is interesting that this passes as "evidence" of "anti-socialism" for Caplan, indicating that he does
not know what socialism or anarchism actually is. To state the obvious, you can be a hater of
"communism" and still be a socialist!

So this, his one attempt to prove that Tucker, Spooner and even Proudhon were really capitalists
by quoting the actual people involved is a failure.

He asserts that for any claim that "anarcho"-capitalism is not anarchist is wrong because "the
factual supporting arguments are often incorrect. For example, despite a popular claim that
socialism and anarchism have been inextricably linked since the inception of the anarchist
movement, many 19th-century anarchists, not only Americans such as Tucker and Spooner, but
even Europeans like Proudhon, were ardently in favour of private property (merely believing that
some existing sorts of property were illegitimate, without opposing private property as such)."

The facts supporting the claim of anarchists being socialists, however, are not "incorrect." It is
Caplan's assumption that socialism is against all forms of "property" which is wrong. To state the
obvious, socialism does not equal communism (and anarcho-communists support the rights of
workers to own their own means of production if they do not wish to join communist communes –
see above). Thus Proudhon was renown as the leading French Socialist theorist when he was
alive. His ideas were widely known in the socialist movement and in many ways his economic
theories were similar to the ideas of such well known early socialists as Robert Owen and William
Thompson. As Kropotkin notes:

"It is worth noticing that French mutualism had its precursor in England, in William
Thompson, who began by mutualism before he became a communist, and in his
followers John Gray (A Lecture on Human Happiness, 1825; The Social System, 1831)
and J. F. Bray (Labour's Wrongs and Labour's Remedy, 1839)." [Kropotkin's
Revolutionary Pamphlets, p. 291]
Perh
aps Caplan will now claim Robert Owen and William Thompson as capitalists?

Tucker called himself a socialist on many different occasions and stated that there were "two
schools of Socialistic thought . . . State Socialism and Anarchism." And stated in very clear terms
that:
"liberty insists on Socialism. . . - true Socialism, Anarchistic Socialism: the prevalence on
earth of Liberty, Equality, and Solidarity." [Instead of a Book, p. 363]
And
like all socialists, he opposed capitalism (i.e. usury and wage slavery) and wished that "there
should be no more proletaires." [see the essay "State Socialism and Anarchism" in Instead of a
Book, p. 17]

Caplan, of course, is well aware of Tucker's opinions on the subject of capitalism and private
property. In section 13 (What moral justifications have been offered for anarchism?) he writes:

"Still other anarchists, such as Lysander Spooner and Benjamin Tucker as well as
Proudhon, have argued that anarchism would abolish the exploitation inherent in interest
and rent simply by means of free competition. In their view, only labour income is
legitimate, and an important piece of the case for anarchism is that without government-
imposed monopolies, non-labour income would be driven to zero by market forces. It is
unclear, however, if they regard this as merely a desirable side effect, or if they would
reject anarchism if they learned that the predicted economic effect thereof would not
actually occur."
Firs
tly, we must point that Proudhon, Tucker and Spooner considered profits to be exploitative as
well as interest and rent. Hence we find Tucker arguing that a "just distribution of the products of
labour is to be obtained by destroying all sources of income except labour. These sources may
be summed up in one word, -- usury; and the three principle forms of usury are interest, rent and
profit." [Instead of a Book, p. 474] To ignore the fact that Tucker also considered profit as
exploitative seems strange, to say the least, when presenting an account of his ideas.

Secondly, rather than it being "unclear" whether the end of usury was "merely a desirable side
effect" of anarchism, the opposite is the case. Anyone reading Tucker (or Proudhon) would
quickly see that their politics were formulated with the express aim of ending usury. Just one
example from hundreds:

"Liberty will abolish interest; it will abolish profit; it will abolish monopolistic rent; it will
abolish taxation; it will abolish the exploitation of labour; it will abolish all means whereby
any labourer can be deprived of any of his product." [Instead of a Book, p. 347]
Whil
e it is fair to wonder whether these economic effects would result from the application of Tucker's
ideas, it is distinctly incorrect to claim that the end of usury was considered in any way as a
"desirable side effect" of them. Rather, in their eyes, the end of usury was one of the aims of
Individualist Anarchism, as can be clearly seen. As Wm. Gary Kline points out in his excellent
account of Individualist Anarchism:

"the American anarchists exposed the tension existing in liberal thought between private
property and the ideal of equal access. The Individualist Anarchists were, at least, aware
that existing conditions were far from ideal, that the system itself worked against the
majority of individuals in their efforts to attain its promises. Lack of capital, the means to
creation and accumulation of wealth, usually doomed a labourer to a life of exploitation.
This the anarchists knew and they abhorred such a system." [The Individualist
Anarchists, p. 102]
This
is part of the reason why they considered themselves socialists and, equally as important, they
were considered socialists by other socialists such as Kropotkin and Rocker. The Individualist
Anarchists, as can be seen, fit very easily into Kropotkin's comments that "the anarchists, in
common with all socialists. . . maintain that the now prevailing system of private ownership in
land, and our capitalist production for the sake of profits, represent a monopoly which runs
against both the principles of justice and the dictates of utility." [Kropotkin's Revolutionary
Pamphlets, p. 285] Given that they considered profits as usury and proposed "occupancy and
use" in place of the prevailing land ownership rights they are obviously socialists.

That the end of usury was considered a clear aim of his politics explains Tucker's 1911 postscript
to his famous essay "State Socialism and Anarchism" in which he argues that "concentrated
capital" itself was a barrier towards anarchy. He argued that the "trust is now a monster which. . .
even the freest competition, could it be instituted, would be unable to destroy." While, in an earlier
period, big business "needed the money monopoly for its sustenance and its growth" its size now
ensured that it "sees in the money monopoly a convenience, to be sure, but no longer a
necessity. It can do without it." This meant that the way was now "not so clear." Indeed, he
argued that the problem of the trusts "must be grappled with for a time solely by forces political or
revolutionary" as the trust had moved beyond the reach of "economic forces" simply due to the
concentration of resources in its hands. ["Postscript" to State Socialism and Anarchism]

If the end of "usury" was considered a "side-effect" rather than an objective, then the problems of
the trusts and economic inequality/power ("enormous concentration of wealth") would not have
been an issue. That the fact of economic power was obviously considered a hindrance to
anarchy suggests the end of usury was a key aim, an aim which "free competition" in the abstract
could not achieve. Rather than take the "anarcho"-capitalist position that massive inequality did
not affect "free competition" or individual liberty, Tucker obviously thought it did and, therefore,
"free competition" (and so the abolition of the public state) in conditions of massive inequality
would not create an anarchist society.

By trying to relegate an aim to a "side-effect," Caplan distorts the ideas of Tucker. Indeed, his
comments on trusts, "concentrated capital" and the "enormous concentration of wealth" indicates
how far Individualist Anarchism is from "anarcho"-capitalism (which dismisses the question of
economic power Tucker raises out of hand). It also indicates the unity of political and economic
ideas, with Tucker being aware that without a suitable economic basis individual freedom was
meaningless. That an economy (like capitalism) with massive inequalities in wealth and so power
was not such a basis is obvious from Tucker's comments.

Thirdly, what did Tucker consider as a government-imposed monopoly? Private property,
particularly in land! As he states "Anarchism undertakes to protect no titles except such as are

based upon actual occupancy and use" and that anarchism "means the abolition of landlordism
and the annihilation of rent." [Instead of a Book, p. 61, p. 300] This, to state the obvious, is a
restriction on "private property" (in the capitalist sense), which, if we use Caplan's definition of
socialism, means that Tucker was obviously part of the "Leftist camp" (i.e. socialist camp). In
other words, Tucker considered capitalism as the product of statism while socialism (libertarian of
course) would be the product of anarchy.

So, Caplan's historical argument to support his notion that anarchism is simply anti-government
fails. Anarchism, in all its many forms, have distinct economic as well as political ideas and these
cannot be parted without loosing what makes anarchism unique. In particular, Caplan's attempt to
portray Proudhon as an example of a "pure" anti-government anarchism also fails, and so his
attempt to co-opt Tucker and Spooner also fails (as noted, Tucker cannot be classed as a "pure"
anti-government anarchist either). If Proudhon was a socialist, then it follows that his self-
proclaimed followers will also be socialists -- and, unsurprisingly, Tucker called himself a socialist
and considered anarchism as part of the wider socialist movement.

"Like Proudhon, Tucker was an 'un-marxian socialist'" [William O. Reichart, Partisans of
Freedom: A Study in American Anarchism, p. 157]



5 - Anarchism and "anarcho"-capitalism

Caplan tries to build upon the non-existent foundation of Tucker's and Proudhon's "capitalism" by
stating that:

"Nor did an ardent anarcho-communist like Kropotkin deny Proudhon or even Tucker the
title of 'anarchist.' In his Modern Science and Anarchism, Kropotkin discusses not only
Proudhon but 'the American anarchist individualists who were represented in the fifties by
S.P. Andrews and W. Greene, later on by Lysander Spooner, and now are represented
by Benjamin Tucker, the well-known editor of the New York Liberty.' Similarly in his article
on anarchism for the 1910 edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica, Kropotkin again freely
mentions the American individualist anarchists, including 'Benjamin Tucker, whose
journal Liberty was started in 1881 and whose conceptions are a combination of those of
Proudhon with those of Herbert Spencer.'"
Ther
e is a nice historical irony in Caplan's attempts to use Kropotkin to prove the historical validity of
"anarcho"-capitalism. This is because while Kropotkin was happy to include Tucker into the
anarchist movement, Tucker often claimed that an anarchist could not be a communist! In State
Socialism and Anarchism he stated that anarchism was "an ideal utterly inconsistent with that
of those Communists who falsely call themselves Anarchists while at the same time advocating a
regime of Archism fully as despotic as that of the State Socialists themselves." ["State Socialism
and Anarchism", Instead of a Book, pp. 15-16]

While modern social anarchists follow Kropotkin in not denying Proudhon or Tucker as
anarchists, we do deny the anarchist title to supporters of capitalism. Why? Simply because
anarchism as a political movement (as opposed to a dictionary definition) has always been anti-
capitalist and against capitalist wage slavery, exploitation and oppression. In other words,
anarchism (in all its forms) has always been associated with specific political and economic
ideas. Both Tucker and Kropotkin defined their anarchism as an opposition to both state and
capitalism. To quote Tucker on the subject:

"Liberty insists. . . [on] the abolition of the State and the abolition of usury; on no more
government of man by man, and no more exploitation of man by man." [cited in Native
American Anarchism - A Study of Left-Wing American Individualism by Eunice
Schuster, p. 140]
Krop
otkin defined anarchism as "the no-government system of socialism." [Kropotkin's
Revolutionary Pamphlets, p. 46] Malatesta argued that "when [people] sought to overthrow both
State and property -- then it was anarchy was born" and, like Tucker, aimed for "the complete
destruction of the domination and exploitation of man by man." [Life and Ideas, p. 19, pp. 22-28]
Indeed every leading anarchist theorist defined anarchism as opposition to government and
exploitation. Thus Brain Morris' excellent summary:

"Another criticism of anarchism is that it has a narrow view of politics: that it sees the
state as the fount of all evil, ignoring other aspects of social and economic life. This is a
misrepresentation of anarchism. It partly derives from the way anarchism has been
defined [in dictionaries, for example], and partly because Marxist historians have tried to
exclude anarchism from the broader socialist movement. But when one examines the
writings of classical anarchists. . . as well as the character of anarchist movements. . . it
is clearly evident that it has never had this limited vision. It has always challenged all
forms of authority and exploitation, and has been equally critical of capitalism and religion
as it has been of the state." ["Anthropology and Anarchism," Anarchy: A Journal of
Desire Armed no. 45, p. 40]
Ther
efore anarchism was never purely a political concept, but always combined an opposition to
oppression with an opposition to exploitation. Little wonder, then, that both strands of anarchism
have declared themselves "socialist" and so it is "conceptually and historically misleading" to
"create a dichotomy between socialism and anarchism." [Brian Morris, Op. Cit., p. 39] Needless
to say, anarchists oppose state socialism just as much as they oppose capitalism. All of which
means that anarchism and capitalism are two different political ideas with specific (and opposed)
meanings -- to deny these meanings by uniting the two terms creates an oxymoron, one that
denies the history and the development of ideas as well as the whole history of the anarchist
movement itself.

As Kropotkin knew Proudhon to be an anti-capitalist, a socialist (but not a communist) it is hardly
surprising that he mentions him. Again, Caplan's attempt to provide historical evidence for a
"right-wing" anarchism fails. Funny that the followers of Kropotkin are now defending individualist
anarchism from the attempted "adoption" by supporters of capitalism! That in itself should be
enough to indicate Caplan's attempt to use Kropotkin to give credence to "anarcho"-capitalist co-
option of Proudhon, Tucker and Spooner fails.

Interestingly, Caplan admits that "anarcho"-capitalism has recent origins. In section 8 (Who are
the major anarchist thinkers?) he states:

"Anarcho-capitalism has a much more recent origin in the latter half of the 20th century.
The two most famous advocates of anarcho-capitalism are probably Murray Rothbard
and David Friedman. There were however some interesting earlier precursors, notably
the Belgian economist Gustave de Molinari. Two other 19th-century anarchists who have
been ad
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I'm a computer whiz

by daveman Friday, May. 02, 2003 at 6:37 AM

The above four posts were mine. Aren't I clever? My she-male wife thinks so.
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Just Wondering

by Joel Engel Friday, May. 02, 2003 at 7:51 AM

With the Dixie Chicks posing nude on a magazine cover to atone for their intemperate remarks, don't we wish that Shania Twain had opened her mouth instead?
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daveman

by mkj Friday, May. 02, 2003 at 9:57 AM

daveman...
mgf7.gifat0p62.gif, image/png, 241x205

i dont think that last post was yours because i know your more mature than that plus mkj is spelled mjk and i dont think you would say that about me or would you?

ithe truth is i love you daveman but i just cant express myself it always runs off in a bad way but now ill comeout the closet and say it i love you daveman i like anyname with dave in it dave is always somehow linked to a jewish person i love jews but i hate their government i hate debbie schlussle because she hates arabs shes the one that threw the blanket over arabs first im sorry if i ever offended you daveman i swear look all you want their is no hidden message in this post like i did to simon i swear after looking at a couple more of your post i seem to disagree with some of the stuff you say but other than that were cool right? this is a suck up and apoligy i swear i wont post another post under this name if you do not see where i am coming from i mean you read that article by debbie schlussel the story of the sauidi guy demanding that their be no women in the control tower that a whole bunch of bullshit you know it and i know it and all the other stuff debbie does i just fucking hate her have you ever seen or heard someone for the first time and felt like something just didint "click in" well thats how i felt when i heard that bitch for the first time

i do not hate all jews and i never threw the zionist blanket at the jewish people i was always oipen and willing to accept other peoples ideas

well like i said this will be my last post underr the name mkj if you do not see where im coming from

ill post this up a couple more times to make sure you get it

peace out daveman and ppplz
mkj
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