As the U.S. army occupies Baghdad, the peace movement
is faced with a series of strategic challenges,
challenges we must face openly, and challenges for
which there are no easy answers. We must develop
political strategies that draw on solidarity and
information from activists and analysts in diverse
social movements and incorporate those into our own
work.

The following reflections are offered as a contribution
to the ongoing strategic debates within the peace
movement. They are based upon my own ongoing
involvement in the peace movement and informed by my
own thinking over the past several years about how to
build a broad-based progressive social justice movement
in this country, a movement that sees the connections
between national and international policies and a
movement that, while respecting difference, moves
beyond the narrow confines of identity and single-issue
politics.

1. We must sustain our resistance to the war. Even
though we have failed to stop the war, our collective
pressure may be able to prevent some of the worst
military excesses, and this could translate directly
into saving the lives of both civilians and soldiers.
Sustaining resistance means we need to remain
optimistic, and not to be depressed by the opinion
polls, which tell us over two-third of Americans are
for the war. Those figures change dramatically
according to how the questions are asked. We are not
alone: an estimated 200,000 people were on the streets
of New York in early March protesting the war, as well
as thousands more in other cities in the United States
and around the world. It is also important that people
in other countries see that there is resistance here,
in the "belly of the beast."

2. We must squarely recognize the class challenges of
this war and the resistance to it, and guard against
the arrogance of white, middle-class entitlement in
framing both resistance and a proactive program of
peace and social justice. This was brought home to me
when I attended a demonstration at Westover Air Force
Base in Chicopee, Massachusetts, not far from where I
teach at Hampshire College. Families in front of their
houses were shouting insults at us, while men drove by
in flag-covered SUVs and trucks, giving us the finger.
The chasm was not only about attitudes toward the war
but social class; it felt like middle-class Amherst vs.
working class Chicopee. In a depressed economy, with
enormous gaps between rich and poor, joining the
military is often an economic, not a political or moral
decision. Students at universities and colleges across
the country serve in the reserves or the National Guard
because it is one of the only ways to pay for college.
How do we negotiate the class divide? We can shout,
"Support our troops, bring them home," but bring them
home to what?

3. If ever there were a time to integrate issues of
economic justice, it is now. Not only is it costing us
hundreds of billions of dollars to destroy Iraq, but it
will also cost billions more to pay any number of
corrupt crony corporations to rebuild it. In the
process, the Bush administration manufactures a false
sense of economic scarcity as communities all over the
country are forced to make massive cuts in education,
health care, and job creation. The peace movement not
only needs to expose these processes--exposing links
between Bush administration officials and crony firms
and showing how the war in Iraq is undermining economic
security at home--but it must also put forward an
alternative economic agenda that lasts beyond the
immediacy of the war. We are not only struggling for a
peace dividend, but a profound transformation of
business as usual.

4. Make the links between war at home and war abroad,
for the strength of the national security state depends
on a highly racialized internal and external enemy. For
over a decade now, the so-called war on drugs has been
a war on communities of color, and repression of
immigrants was intensifying well before the September
11th attacks. Unless the peace movement seriously
challenges the attack on the human rights and civil
liberties of all those deemed "Other," and defends the
rights of those forced outside the boundaries of
privileged white American citizenship, it will fail to
build an enduring alternative because the
militarization of domestic society is precisely what
has paved the way for militarism abroad.

5. We must also understand the link between war abroad
and Bush's war on women and reproductive rights. It is
a characteristic of fundamentalist regimes--and the
evidence suggests that we are moving closer to one in
this country--that women's sexuality and reproduction
become the target of state control, not only legally
and administratively, but symbolically. The Bush
administration has already made explicit its opposition
to reproductive rights for women at home and abroad
through its limits on funding for reproductive health
programs and its attacks on abortion rights. At times
of war, gender differences become further reified and
enforced, and male aggression and violence celebrated.
We must understand these connections, and link the
peace movement to the ongoing struggle for gender
equality and reproductive rights.

6. Monitor and expose the environmental consequences of
war. Even in times of relative peace, the U.S. military
is probably the single-biggest polluter and energy user
on the planet and in times of war the damage is far
more extensive. Moreover, as in the case of the Arctic
Wildlife Refuge, Bush will try to use the war as an
excuse for further environmental deregulation.

7. While our eyes are trained on the situation in Iraq,
we must remain vigilant and look elsewhere for
repercussions. Several months ago, prominent Israeli
academics circulated a letter warning of the
possibility that Sharon would use the opportunity of
war in Iraq to embark on a massive ethnic cleansing in
Palestine. We must consider what pay-offs members of
the "coalition of the willing"--or rather coalition of
the killing--have received for their support of
Washington. We can be sure the U.S. will turn a blind
eye to human rights abuses in those countries.

8. Be prepared for the next stage--the occupation of
Iraq. While the U.S. is already putting into place its
own proxy rulers, the peace movement here needs to
forge links and make common cause with progressive
Iraqi groups. We have to be ready to engage in an
informed way in the murky politics of humanitarian
assistance.

9. Build a new, positive vision of peace and security
that eschews both American isolationism and imperialism
and strengthens the rule of international law. This
isn't the place to present an outline of a whole new
security agenda. But what would real security look
like? My short list includes:

Dismantling weapons of mass destruction in all
countries, including ours. Supporting institutions to
end the impunity of war criminals such as the
International Criminal Court and stronger institutions
for the protection of human rights. Promoting economic,
social, and environmental justice that reduces the risk
of conflict. Such positive visions are perhaps the
hardest thing to contemplate at times like these. But
we must look forward, and not allow the pictures of
tanks and bombs and death and destruction on TV to
colonize our imaginations, preventing us from imagining
a better world. We must stay firmly rooted in our sense
of possibilities despite the grim days ahead.

(Betsy Hartmann <ehartmann@hampshire.edu> is the
director of the Hampshire College Population and
Development Program and a member of the Committee on
Women, Population, and the Environment. This is a
revised version of a presentation she made at a public
forum at Hampshire College sponsored by the Five
College Program in Peace and World Security Studies on
March 24, 2003.)


http://www.foreignpolicy-infocus.org/commentary/2003/0304activist_body.html

Amen. Betsy Hartmann concludes, "But
we must look forward, and not allow the pictures of
tanks and bombs and death and destruction on TV to
colonize our imaginations, preventing us from imagining
a better world. We must stay firmly rooted in our sense
of possibilities despite the grim days ahead."

I normally don't watch TV, but was holed up in a hotel room all day yesterday and made the mistake of channel surfing the news-- even movies have "war PR" spots. The "glory" of this death project everywhere. This propaganda is indeed a colonizing force. One doesn't have to read Fanon's Wretched of the Earth to understand this oppression viscerally.

So this resistance must be done with more than political analysis, though that is necessary. We must keep taking it to the streets, but also taking the power from our protests to heart & soul-- any way we can, be that via music, poetry, performance or other visual arts.

I'm thinking specifically of the wonderful Butoh dancers (a dance form born in post-war Japan, a reaction to the ghost-like survivors at Hiroshima & Nagasaki) at the March 30th march in Los Angeles. Watching them progress in their field of silence, I was profoundly moved, and, for me, felt they presented what Hakim Bey would call a "Temporary Autonomous Zone."

Its all good, TAZ's and Butoh. I love how these sorts of things make me feel, the conceptualized TAZ really gives us energy as on the streets activists to continue- the joy and energy they unleash is wonderful. And performances like Butoh are great for the cameras and for those on the streets.

I do think its time though that activists do some heavy lifting and think through issues in addition to our run to the streets. The writer of the original post makes some stabs at conceptualizing the issues that a peace movement faces at this moment and we need the forum to discuss and actualize the proposals.

i especially liked how she talked about identifying progressive forces in Iraq right now and starting to work with them.

anyway....

Betsy - The badly misnamed 'peace movement' is dead on arrival. Haven't you noticed?

Your efforts to appease Saddam have failed. It's time to walk away.

BA, Saddam is, like, so last week. Isn't he like dead or deposed or something by your kick-ass military?

You need to know what time it is, no ones talking about Saddam. Were talking about Justice for the long suffereing Iraqi's.

Were talking about allowing a just society to be born that isn't guided by the coallitions interests of geopolitcal power.

Irpy -

Cut a surgical hole in your stomach so that you can see out.

I will say that your post was pretty funny. The idea that this anti-war crowd of Socialist hippies could achieve anything positive is truly hilarious.

Your pathetic yapping is annoying of course but when
you it is so obvious when you have nothing to say it's
well, embarrassing for all of us.
Like seeing someone squat in the street, geeez
Links or ‘qualified’ rant that we can shred yet again would
be nice.
but
For crying out loud you're like an underfoot hamster, always
making that noise...

Sheepdog - What I have to say is profound. You just don't want to hear it.

It is that the, ahem, Peace Movement is dead on arrival. It has no standing, no real grass roots support, and is looked down on by most Americans. Peace activists are viewed as Saddam supporters. They have no respect, and they deserve no respect.

That's the long of it, that is the short of it, that's the real deal.

You'd be smart to distance youreslf from these hippies so as not to be tainted by them.

maybe I AM getting through....
Naw, his shift is starting, and the threads are still
untangled. Much work to do.
Would you like a banana?

LAugh all you want.

Don't fault us for trying to clean up the mess that your man with the plan may have created.

Now, back to the matter at hand. OK, so,
there is an occupation force in Iraq, who, if they leave now will create a shitload of further chaos. What is the longterm strategy for the global justice movement in dealing with Iraq. Obviously every region is unique, but hopefully post-colonial scholars are doing their best work trying to figure out successful exit strategies so as to best leave the country.

What forces are in Iraq that the justice movement should be supporting? anyway, these are just questions as the dawn of the empire begins to never set.

pro-war is tainted by redneck culture. Yep, another 60 hour work week, just so I can pay my credit card and watch TV. Damn anti-war hippies, why dont they have to work as hard as I do? I pay so many taxes, just so they can sit here, side with the enemy, while they should be worrying about kissing ass like I had to do to get where I am. Now who the hells gonna make me my arterie clogging burgers for 99 cents? Hey well hire mexicans at mcdonalds for minimum wage! Its better than what ya get in mexico, right?

Why do you want to leave Iraq Irpy?

We just got there.

Let's give it five or ten years to settle out. Then we can think about the possibility of leaving.

Very good question BA.
Why leave Iraq. Why did the British leave the 13 original colonies?

Because people don't like being ruled by foriegn powers. Because people don't like their wealth and resources and lives to be used for foriegn interests.

So, that is why we should leave the area. Because occupation always bites you in the ass unless you follow a plan of ethnic cleansing (which I don't think is the plan).

The question is, what is the right way to do it. If people who care about justice in the world can't figure out a plan to do so, then we really are in deep shit- because the geniuses in office will do it in either a half-assed way or will screw things up and re-create other tragedies.

Definitely agree that we should leave and turn Iraq over to the Iraqis. But I think about 5 to 10 years is how long it will take for things to settle out.

No problemo, if thats the cost of the shitstorm we've created, we have to pay the price. I really hope that paying the price doesn't mean using Iraqi oil to pay our domestic costs and then beggering the Iraqi's.

And to heap ideas on top of ideas, how about this from the original post....

"9. Build a new, positive vision of peace and security
that eschews both American isolationism and imperialism
and strengthens the rule of international law. This
isn't the place to present an outline of a whole new
security agenda. But what would real security look
like? My short list includes:

Dismantling weapons of mass destruction in all
countries, including ours. Supporting institutions to
end the impunity of war criminals such as the
International Criminal Court and stronger institutions
for the protection of human rights. Promoting economic,
social, and environmental justice that reduces the risk
of conflict. Such positive visions are perhaps the
hardest thing to contemplate at times like these. But
we must look forward, and not allow the pictures of
tanks and bombs and death and destruction on TV to
colonize our imaginations, preventing us from imagining
a better world. We must stay firmly rooted in our sense
of possibilities despite the grim days ahead. "

that and it might go much smoother if the UN were running the show- but thats probably not in the cards so it's most likely a moot point.

BA, The US is run by a bunch of towel heads too.

The US is run by Zionists, you moron. Get a clue.

I think that any argument you wanted us to hear pretty much just got lost. If you don't like people that aren't "white" than why don't you move to another country? I hate to tell you this, but unless you are 100% Native American, you come from immigrant blood. And really, why did we just ignore the U.N. and attack a country because they ignored the U.N.?

Protest these.