NATO Preparing New Military Strike in Balkans

NATO PREPARING NEW MILITARY STRIKE IN BALKANS

By Gregory Elich

Quietly, NATO is laying plans for a new military strike against
Yugoslavia. On August 13 through 15, CIA Director George Tenet visited
Bulgaria. In a series of extraordinary meetings, Tenet met with Bulgarian
President Petur Stoyanov, as well as the Prime Minister, Interior Minister
and Defense Minister. Officially, the purpose of Tenet's visit was to
discuss the problem of organized crime and narcotics. However, Tenet spent
a combined total of only 20 minutes at the headquarters of the National
Security Service and the National Service for Combating Organized Crime.
Unnamed diplomatic sources revealed that the proposed oil transit pipeline
from the Caspian Sea was also topic of discussion.

The driving motivation for Tenet's visit, though, was to discuss
Yugoslavia. According to an unnamed diplomatic source, Montenegrin
secession from Yugoslavia topped the agenda. Following the meeting between
Tenet and Major General Dimo Gyaurov, Director of the National Intelligence
Service, a public statement was issued which stressed their "commonality of
interests." Reports in the Bulgarian press revealed that various options
were discussed with Bulgaria's president and prime minister. Tenet's
preferred option is the removal of the Yugoslav government, either as a
result of that country's election on September 24, or by a NATO military
assault that would install a puppet government. Another scenario would
follow the secession of Montenegro from Yugoslavia. If open warfare breaks
out over Montenegro's secession, then the United States plans to wage a
full-scale war against Yugoslavia, as it did in spring 1999. Sofia's
Monitor reported that the "CIA coup machine" is forming. "A strike against
Belgrade is imminent," it adds, and "Bulgaria will serve as a base." (1)

The Italian army recently signed a lease contract to conduct training
exercises beginning in October at the Koren training ground, near Kaskovo in
southeast Bulgaria. The French army signed a similar agreement, in which
French soldiers and tanks will train at the Novo Selo grounds in central
Bulgaria from October 11 to December 12. Talks are also underway for the
U.S. military to lease the Shabla training grounds in northeastern Bulgaria.
Scheduled to take place following the election in Yugoslavia, the training
exercises could serve as a launching pad for NATO's planned military strike.
It was recently announced that the British aircraft carrier HMS Invincible
is to be redeployed to the Adriatic over the next few months in support of a
potential conflict over Montenegro (2)

Military force is only one component of the West's destabilization
campaign against Yugoslavia. In November 1998, President Clinton launched a
plan for the overthrow of the government of Yugoslavia. The initial
emphasis of the plan centered on supporting secessionist forces in
Montenegro and the right-wing opposition in Serbia. (3) Several months
later, during the bombing of Yugoslavia, Clinton signed a secret paper
instructing the CIA to topple the Yugoslav government. The plan called for
the CIA to secretly fund opposition groups and the recruitment of moles in
the Yugoslav government and military. (4)
On July 8, 1999, U.S. and British officials revealed that commando teams
were training snatch operations to seize alleged war criminals and Yugoslav
President Slobodan Milosevic. As an encouragement to mercenaries, the U.S.
State Department also announced a $5 million bounty for President Milosevic.
(5)

Several Yugoslav government officials and prominent individuals,
including Defense Minister Pavle Bulatovic, have been gunned down. Most of
these crimes remain unsolved, as the assassins managed to escape. Police
apprehended one assassin, Milivoje Gutovic, after he shot Vojvodina
Executive Council President Bosko Perosevic at an agricultural fair in Novi
Sad. During interrogations, Gutovic admitted to police that he worked for
the right-wing Serbian Renewal Movement. (6)

Goran Zugic, security advisor to secessionist Montenegrin President
Milo Djukanovic, was murdered late on May 31, 2000. The assassin escaped,
allowing Western leaders to blame President Milosevic. Coming just one week
before crucial local elections in Montenegro, forces opposing President
Milosevic stood to gain from the murder, as the effect would tend to sway
undecided voters in favor of secessionist parties. A few days after the
assassination, Yugoslav Minister of Information Goran Matic held a press
conference, at which he accused the CIA of complicity in the murder. Matic
played a taped recording of two telephone conversations between head of the
US mission in Dubrovnik Sean Burns, US State Department official James
Swaggert, Gabriel Escobar of the US economic group in Montenegro and Paul
Davies of the US Agency for International Development. Excerpts of the
conversations, recorded 20 minutes after the assassination and again three
hours later, included comments such as, "It was professional," and "Mission
accomplished." (7)

The first publicly known Western plan to assassinate President
Milosevic was drafted in 1992. Richard Tomlinson, a former British MI6
employee, later disclosed the plan. His task as an MI6 agent was to carry
out undercover operations in Eastern Europe posing as a businessman or
journalist. Tomlinson frequently met with MI6 officer Nick Fishwick.
During one their meetings, Fishwick showed Tomlinson a document entitled,
"The Need to Assassinate President Milosevic of Serbia." Three methods were
proposed for the assassination of Milosevic. The first method, Tomlinson
recalled, "was to train and equip a Serbian paramilitary opposition group,"
which would have the advantage of deniability but an unpredictable chance of
success. The second method would employ a specially trained British SAS
squad to murder President Milosevic "either with a bomb or sniper ambush."
Fishwick considered this more reliable, but it lacked deniability. The
third method would be to kill Milosevic "in a staged car crash." (8)
Seven years later, on October 3, 1999, the third method was employed against
the leader of the Serbian Renewal Movement, Vuk Draskovic, when a truck
filled with sand plowed into his car, killing everyone inside except for
Draskovic. The temperamental Draskovic had been a major factor in the
chronic fragmentation of the right-wing opposition, frustrating Washington's
efforts to forge a unified opposition. (9)

During NATO's war against Yugoslavia, a missile struck President
Milosevic's home on April 22, 1999. He and his wife were staying elsewhere
that evening. Pentagon spokesman Ken Bacon was quick to announce that "we
are not targeting President Milosevic." It is impossible, though, to view a
missile striking Milosevic's bedroom at 3:10 AM as anything but an
assassination attempt. (10)

In November 1999, members of an assassination squad, code-named
"Spider," were arrested in Yugoslavia. According to Minister Goran Matic,
"French intelligence was behind" the Spider group, whose aim was the
assassination of President Milosevic. Planned scenarios included a sniper
attack, planting an explosive device alongside a route they expected
Milosevic to travel, planting an explosive in his car, and organizing 10
trained commandos to storm the presidential residence. The leader of the
group, Jugoslav Petrusic, had dual Yugoslav and French citizenship. Matic
claimed that Petrusic worked for French intelligence for ten years. During
interrogations, Petrusic said that he had killed 50 men on orders by French
intelligence. Matic announced that one of the members of Spider was a
"specialist for killings with a truck full of sand" - the same method used
against Draskovic the previous month.

Following the Bosnian war, Petrusic organized the transport of 180
Bosnian Serb mercenaries to fight for Mobutu Sese Seku in Zaire, an affair
that was managed by French intelligence. According to a Bosnian Serb
businessman, Petrusic "did not hide the fact that he was working for the
French intelligence service. I have personally seen a photo of him next to
Mitterand as his bodyguard." In younger days, Petrusic was a member of the
French Foreign Legion. During NATO's war against Yugoslavia, the Spider
group infiltrated the Yugoslav Army, supplying information to the French and
guiding NATO warplanes to their targets.

Yugoslav secret service sources revealed that the Spider group trained
at NATO bases in Bosnia where "buildings resembling those where Milosevic
lives were constructed." Money from the French intelligence service for
Spider was brought to the border between Hungary and Yugoslavia by a man
named Serge Lazarevic. (11)

One month later, the members of a second hit team, calling itself the
Serbian Liberation Army, was arrested. Their aim was to assassinate
President Milosevic and restore the monarchy. (12)

At the end of July 2000, a squad of four Dutch commandos was
apprehended while attempting to cross into Serbia from Montenegro. During
the investigation, they admitted that they intended to kill or kidnap
President Milosevic. The four said that they were informed that $30 million
had been offered for "Milosevic's head," and that they intended to "claim a
reward." One of the men said that the group planned to abduct Milosevic or
former Bosnian Serb President Radovan Karadzic and "surrender them to The
Hague." The group planned to put them atop a car "in a ski box and
transport them.out of the country." If the abduction failed, one of the
men "had the idea to kill the president, to decapitate his head, to put it
in the box and to send it home" to the Netherlands.

One of the arrested men, Gotfrides de Ri, belonged to the openly
racist neo-nazi Center Party. During the wars in Croatia and Bosnia, the
Center Party sent Dutch mercenaries to fight in right-wing Croatian
paramilitary units. At the time of their arrest, the four were found with
several knives, including one with a swastika, and wires with hooks for
strangulation. All four admitted that they had trained under the British
SAS. At a news conference on August 1, Goran Matic accused the U.S of being
the prime sponsor of assassinations and attempted assassinations. "It is
obvious that they are recruiting various terrorist groups because they are
frustrated with the fact that their military, political and economic goals
in southeastern Europe have not been realized. [They are] trying to send
them into the country so that they can change our political and social
environment." (13) Jonathan Eyal, an advisor to the British government,
commented recently, "I can't say when it will happen, but I can guarantee
that Milosevic will end up dead, and he will be followed by a more
pro-Western government." (14)

Flagrant Western interference is distorting the political process in
Yugoslavia. U.S. and Western European funds are channelled to right-wing
opposition parties and media through such organizations as the National
Endowment for Democracy and George Soros' Open Society Institute. The
National Democratic Institute (NDI) is yet another of the myriad
semi-private organizations that have attached themselves like leeches on
Eastern Europe. The NDI opened an office in Belgrade in 1997, hoping to
capitalize on opposition attempts to bring down the government through
street demonstrations. By 1999, the NDI had already trained over 900
right-wing party leaders and activists on "message development, public
outreach and election strategy." NDI also claimed to have provided
"organizational training and coalition-building expertise" to the
opposition. (15)

The New Serbia Forum, funded by the British Foreign Office, brings
Serbian professionals and academics to Hungary on a regular basis for
discussions with British and Central European "experts." The aim of the
meetings is to "design a blueprint for post-Milosevic society." The Forum
develops reports intended to serve as "an action plan" for a future
pro-Western government. Subjects under discussion have included
privatization and economic stabilization. The Forum calls for the
"reintegration of Yugoslavia into the European family," a phrase that
translates into the dismantling of the socialist economy and inviting
Western corporations to swarm in. (16)

Western aims were clearly spelled out in the Stability Pact for
Southeastern Europe of June 10, 1999. This document called for "creating
vibrant market economies" in the Balkans, and "markets open to greatly
expanded foreign trade and private sector investment." One year later, the
White House issued a fact sheet detailing the "major achievements" of the
Pact. Among the achievements listed, the European Bank for Reconstruction
and Development (EBRD) and the International Finance Corporations are said
to be "mobilizing private investment." By 2002, "new private investment in
the region" is expected to reach nearly $2 billion. The Pact's Business
Advisory Council "is visiting all of the countries of Southeast Europe" to
"offer advice" on investment issues. Another initiative is Hungarian
involvement with opposition-led local governments and opposition media in
Serbia.

The Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC), on July 26, 2000,
inaugurated an investment fund to be managed by Soros Private Funds
Management. The Southeast Europe Equity Fund, "will invest in companies in
the region in a range of sectors." Its purpose, according to the U.S.
Embassy in Macedonia, is "to provide capital for new business development,
expansion and privatization." In March 2000, Montenegro signed an agreement
permitting the operation of OPIC on its territory. Billionaire George
Soros spelled out what all this means. U.S. involvement in the region, he
said, "creates investment opportunities," and "I am happy to put my money
where they are putting theirs." In other words, there is money to be made.
George Munoz, President and CEO of OPIC was also blunt. "The Southeast
Europe Equity Fund," he announced, "is an ideal vehicle to connect American
institutional capital with European entrepreneurs eager to help Americans
tap their growing markets. OPIC is pleased that Soros Private Funds
Management has chosen to send a strong, positive signal that Southeast
Europe is open for business."

The final text of the Stability Pact for Southeast Europe suggested
that a Yugoslavia that would "respect" the Pact's "principles and
objectives" would be "welcome" to become a full member. "In order to draw
the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia closer to this goal," the document
declared, Montenegro would be an "early beneficiary." Western leaders hope
that a future pro-Western Yugoslavia would, as has the rest of Eastern
Europe, be "eager to help Americans" make money. (17)

Western leaders yearn to install a puppet government in Belgrade, and
place their hopes in the fragmented right-wing opposition parties in Serbia.
In 1999, American officials encouraged these parties to organize mass
demonstrations to overthrow the government, but these rallies quickly
fizzled due to lack of popular support. When Yugoslav Federal and local
elections were announced for July 24, 2000, American and Western European
officials met with leaders of the Serbian opposition parties, urging them to
unite behind one presidential candidate. Despite U.S. efforts, three
candidates emerged in opposition to President Milosevic.

At the beginning of August 2000, the U.S. opened an office in Budapest
specifically tasked to assist opposition parties in Yugoslavia. Among the
staff are 24 psychological warfare specialists who engaged in psychological
operations during NATO's war against Yugoslavia and earlier against Iraq in
the Gulf War. During those operations, the team also fabricated news items
in an effort to sway Western public opinion.

If President Milosevic is re-elected, then U.S. Secretary of State
Madeleine Albright expects street demonstrations to overturn the election
results and topple the government. In meetings held in Banja Luka in spring
2000, Albright expressed disappointment with the failure of past efforts to
overthrow the legally elected Yugoslav government. Albright said that she
had hoped sanctions would lead people to "blame Milosevic for this
suffering." An exasperated Albright wondered, "What was stopping the people
from taking to the streets?" Indicating that the U.S. was casting about for
a pretext for intervention, she added, "Something needs to happen in Serbia
that the West can support." (18)

The paths of Yugoslavia's two republics are sharply diverging, and
Montenegro has embarked on a program to place its entire economy at the
service of the West. November 1999 saw the introduction in Montenegro of
the German mark as an official currency and the passage of legislation
eliminating socially owned property. One month later, several large firms
were publicly offered for sale, including the Electric Power Company, the
13th July Agricultural Complex, the Hotel-Tourist firm Boka and many others.
(19) The republic's privatization program for 2000 calls for the
privatization of most state-owned industries, and includes measures to
"protect domestic and foreign investors." Three hundred firms will be
privatized in the initial stage of the plan. In early 2000, the U.S. signed
an agreement to provide Montenegro $62 million, including $44 million from
the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID). According to the
agency, it will also undertake "assistance programs to support economic
reform and restructuring the economy..to advance Montenegro toward a free
market economy." U.S. policy advisor on the Balkans James Dobbins indicated
that the U.S. viewed the "market-oriented reforms of the Djukanovic regime
as a model and stimulus for similar reforms throughout the former
Yugoslavia." The U.S. is also offering guarantees for private investors in
the republic. Additional aid is provided by the European Union, which has
approved $36 million for Montenegro. "From the first day," admitted
Djukanovic, "we have had British and European consultants." (20)

The Center for International Private Enterprise, an affiliate of the
U.S. Chamber of Commerce, is providing support to the Center for
Entrepreneurship (CEP) in Montenegro. According to the center's executive
director, Petar Ivanovic, the organization "focuses on elementary and high
schools," establishing entrepreneurship as a new subject to be taught in
schools. As Ivanovic explains it, "Introducing young people to the concept
of entrepreneurship will make them less resistant to the private sector."
The CEP also intends to "educate government officials about the potential
rewards of the private sector," and to help them "understand the benefits of
economic reform and privatization." (21) According to Djukanovic, when he
met with President Clinton on June 21, 1999, the U.S. president gave the
privatization process a push by telling Djukanovic that the U.S. planned to
"stimulate the economy" by "encouraging US corporations and banks to invest
capital in Montenegro." (22)

Djukanovic has moved steadily toward secession from Yugoslavia,
indicating that he will push for separation if the right-wing opposition
loses the September 24 election. In a phone call to Djukanovic in July
2000, Madeleine Albright promised that the U.S would provide him with an
additional $16.5 million. That same week, Djukanovic blurted out that
Montenegro "is no longer part of Yugoslavia." He also made the astonishing
claim that he considered it a "priority" for Montenegro to join NATO, the
organization that had bombed his country only the year before. The next
month, Albright announced that she and Djukanovic "try and talk to each
other and meet on a regular basis," and that the "United States is
supportive of the approach that President Djukanovic has taken in terms of
democratic development and his approach to the economic reforms also." (23)

Western support for secession extends beyond Albright meeting and
talking with Djukanovic. More than half of the population of Montenegro
opposes secession, and any such move is likely to explode into violence. In
preparation for that rift, Djukanovic is building up a private army of over
20,000 soldiers, the Special Police, including special forces armed with
anti-tank weapons. Sources in Montenegro revealed that Western special
forces are training this private army. Djukanovic has requested that NATO
establish an "air shield over Montenegro" as he moves toward secession. One
member of the Special Police, named Velibor, confirmed that they were
receiving training from the British SAS. "If there is a situation where
weapons will decide the outcome, we are ready," he said. "We are training
for that." At a press conference on August 1, 2000, Minister Goran Matic
declared that the "British are carrying out part of the training of the
Montenegrin special units. It is also true," he added, that the Special
Police "are intensively obtaining various kinds and types of weapons,
starting with anti-aircraft and anti-helicopter weapons and so on, and they
are also being assisted by Croatia, as the weapons go through Dubrovnik and
other places." Furthermore, Matic pointed out that, "last year, before and
after the aggression, a group from within the Montenegrin MUP [Ministry of
Interior Affairs] structure left for training within the U.S. police
structure and the U.S. intelligence structures." In August, two armored
vehicles bound for Montenegro were discovered in the port of Ancona, Italy.
One of the vehicles was fitted with a turret suitable for mounting a machine
gun or anti-tank weapon. Italian customs officials, reports the Italian
news service ANSA, are "convinced" that arms trafficking to Montenegro "is
of far greater magnitude than this single episode might lead one to
believe." Revelling in anticipation of armed conflict, Djukanovic bragged
that "many will tuck their tails between their legs and will soon have to
flee Montenegro." (24)

A violent conflict in Montenegro would provide NATO with its
long-desired pretext for intervention. As early as October 1999, General
Wesley Clark drew up plans for a NATO invasion of Montenegro. The plan
envisions an amphibious assault by more than 2,000 Marines storming the port
of Bar and securing the port as a beachhead for pushing inland. Troops
ferried by helicopters would seize the airport at Podgorica, while NATO
warplanes would bomb and strafe resisting Yugoslav forces. According to
U.S. officials, other Western countries have also developed invasion plans.
(25) Richard Holbrooke, U.S. Ambassador to the UN declared, "We are in
constant touch with the leadership of Montenegro," and warned that a
conflict in Montenegro "would be directly affecting NATO's vital interest."
(26) NATO General Secretary George Robertson was more explicit. "I say to
Milosevic: watch out, look what happened the last time you miscalculated."
(27)

President Milosevic and the ruling coalition enjoy considerable popular
support in Yugoslavia, and many Western analysts admit they are likely to
emerge victorious in the September 24 election. This will set in motion,
possibly within a few months, a NATO strike launched from Bulgaria intended
to overthrow the legally elected government of Yugoslavia. If the coup
fails, then Montenegro could declare independence, setting in motion a chain
of events that would lead to a second all out war by NATO against
Yugoslavia. The war in 1999 brought immense suffering to the Balkans. The
next war promises to be catastrophic.

NOTES

1) "Bulgaria - Press Review" BTA (Sofia), August 12, 2000
"Bulgaria - Us CIA Director's Visit," BTA (Sofia), August 15, 2000
"CIA Did Not Tell Us the Most Important Thing," Trud (Sofia), August 16,
2000
"Bulgaria - Press Review," BTA (Sofia), August 14, 2000
"Bulgaria - Press Review," BTA (Sofia), August 16, 2000

2) Mila Avramova, "Italians Lease Training Ground for 400,000 Leva," Trud
(Sofia), August 9, 2000
Michael Evans, "Balkans Watch for 'Invincible'," The Times (London), August
26, 2000.

3) Paul Beaver, "Clinton Tells CIA to Oust Milosevic," The Observer,
November 29, 2000.
Fran Visnar, "Clinton and the CIA Have Created a Scenario to Overthrow
Milosevic," Vijesnik (Zagreb), November 30, 2000.

4) Douglas Waller, "Tearing Down Milosevic," Time Magazine, July 12, 1999.

5) Michael Moran, "A Threat to 'Snatch' Milosevic," MSNBC, July 8, 1999.

6) "Yugoslav Police Say Killer of Local Leader Worked for Opposition,"
Agence France-Presse,
May 15, 2000.
"Arrested Assassin Gutovic Member of Otpor and SPO," Tanjug
(Belgrade), May 15, 2000.

7) "Yugoslav Official Accuses CIA of Being Behind Montenegro Murder," Agence
France-Presse,
June 6, 2000.
Aleksandar Vasovic, "Serb Aide Says CIA Behind Slaying," Associated Press,
June 6, 2000
"Yugoslav Information Minister Accuses CIA of Complicity in Zugic Murder,"
Borba (Belgrade),
June 6, 2000

8) Statement by Richard Tomlinson, addressed to John Wadham, September 11,
1998.

9) "Serb Consensus: Draskovic Crash Was No Accident," Seattle Times News
Services, October 13,
1999.

10) "NATO: Milosevic Not Target," BBC News, April 22, 1999.

11) "Serbs Allege Milosevic Assassination Plot," Reuters, November 25, 1999.
"France Plots to Murder Milosevic," Agence France-Presse, November 26, 1999.
"SFOR Units Involved in a Plot to Kill Milosevic," Agence France-Presse,
December 1, 1999.
Gordana Igric, "Alleged 'Assassins' Were No Stranger to France," IWPR Balkan
Crisis Report (London), November 26, 1999.
Milenko Vasovic, "Belgrade's French Connection," IWPR Balkan Crisis Report
(London), November 26, 1999.

12) "Lt. Testifies at Milosevic Trial," Associated Press, April 26, 2000.

13) Aleksandar Vasovic, "4 Accused of Milosevic Death Plot," Associated
Press, July 31, 2000.
"Dutchmen Arrested, Accused of Plotting Against Milosevic," Agence
France-Presse, July 31, 2000.
Email correspondence from Herman de Tollenaere, quoting from NRC- Business
Paper of August 1, 2000.
"Arrested Dutchmen Admitted Plans to Kill, Kidnap Milosevic," BETA
(Belgrade), August 17, 2000.
"Dutch Espionage Terrorist Gang Arrested in Yugoslavia - Minister," Tanjug
(Belgrade), July 31, 2000.
"Yugoslav Information Minister Says U.S. Behind Dutch 'Mercenaries'," BBC
Monitoring Service, August 1, 2000.

14) "West Sees Noose Tightening Around Milosevic," Reuters, June 9, 2000.

15) "NDI Activities in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
(Serbia-Montenegro)," NDI Worldwide
Activities, www.ndi.org

16) "Britain Trains New Elite for Post-Milosevic Era," The Independent, May
3, 2000.
The New Serbia Forum web page,
http://ds.dial.pipex.com/town/way/glj77/Serbia.htm

17) "Final Text of Stability Pact for Southeast Europe," June 10, 1999.
U.S. Embassy, Skopje, Macedonia, "Southeast Europe Equity Fund Launched July
26," July 27, 2000.
White House Fact Sheet, "The Stability Pact for Southeast Europe: One Year
Later," July 27, 2000.

18) Borislav Komad, "At Albright's Signal," Vecernje Novosti, May 18, 2000.
"US Anti-Yugoslav Office Opens in Budapest," Tanjug (Belgrade), August 21,
2000.

19) Ljubinka Cagorovic, "Montenegro Assembly Scraps Socially-Owned
Property," Reuters,
November 13, 1999.
"Montenegrin Government Prepares to Privatise Economy," Tanjug (Belgrade),
December 25, 1999.

20) Central and Eastern European Business Information Center, "Southeastern
Europe Business Brief,"
February 3, 2000.
Central and Eastern European Business Information Center, "Southeastern
Europe Business Brief,"
April 27, 2000.
Anne Swardson, "West Grows Close to Montenegro," Washington Post, May 24,
2000.

21) Petar Invanovic, "Montenegro: Laying the Foundation of
Entrepreneurship," Center for International
Private Enterprise.

22) Statement by Montenegrin President Milo Djukanovic, "Important Step in
Opening New Perspectives
For Montenegrin State Policy," Pobjeda (Podgorica), June 22, 1999.

23) "Albright Renews Montenegro Support," Associated Press, July 13, 2000.
"Montenegro Wants to Join NATO and the EU," Agence France-Presse, July 10,
2000.
Office of the Spokesman, U.S. Department of State, "Secretary of State
Madeleine K. Albright and
Montenegrin President Milo Djukanovic," Press Stakeout at Excelsior Hotel,
Rome, Italy, August 1,
2000.

24) "Montenegro Ahead of Elections: Boycott and Threats," BETA (Belgrade),
August 9, 2000.
"Montenegro and Elections - Boycott Becomes Official," BETA (Belgrade),
August 17, 2000.
Phil Reese, "We Have the Heart for Battle, Says Montenegrin Trained by SAS,"
The Independent,
July 30, 2000.
"Yugoslav Information Minister Says U.S. Behind Dutch 'Mercenaries'", BBC
Monitoring Service,
August 1, 2000.
"Yugoslavia Says British SAS Trains Montenegrins," Reuters, August 1, 2000.
"Information Minister Sees Montenegrin Arms Purchases, Croatian Assistance,"
BETA (Belgrade),
July 31, 2000.
"Foreign 'Dogs of War' Training Montenegrin Police to Attack Army," Tanjug
(Belgrade), August 9, 2000.
"Montenegro: Camouflaged Military Vehicles Seized in Ancona," ANSA (Rome),
August 21, 2000.
"Montenegro: Traffic in Camouflaged Armored Vehicles: Investigation into
Documentation," ANSA (Rome), August 22, 2000.

25) Richard J. Newman, "Balkan Brinkmanship," US News and World Report,
November 15, 1999.

26) "Clinton Warns Milosevic 'Remains a Threat to Peace'," Agence
France-Presse, July 29, 2000.

27) "NATO's Robertston Warns Milosevic on Montenegro," Reuters, July 27,
2000.