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NATO Preparing New Military Strike in Balkans

by Gregory Elich Monday, Aug. 28, 2000 at 10:54 AM
gelich@worldnet.att.net PO Box 13186, Columbus, OH 43213-0186

Reveals details of NATO's plans for a new war against Yugoslavia (including leaked information from CIA Director George Tenet's recent visit to Bulgaria)

NATO PREPARING NEW MILITARY STRIKE IN BALKANS

By Gregory Elich

Quietly, NATO is laying plans for a new military strike against

Yugoslavia. On August 13 through 15, CIA Director George Tenet visited

Bulgaria. In a series of extraordinary meetings, Tenet met with Bulgarian

President Petur Stoyanov, as well as the Prime Minister, Interior Minister

and Defense Minister. Officially, the purpose of Tenet's visit was to

discuss the problem of organized crime and narcotics. However, Tenet spent

a combined total of only 20 minutes at the headquarters of the National

Security Service and the National Service for Combating Organized Crime.

Unnamed diplomatic sources revealed that the proposed oil transit pipeline

from the Caspian Sea was also topic of discussion.

The driving motivation for Tenet's visit, though, was to discuss

Yugoslavia. According to an unnamed diplomatic source, Montenegrin

secession from Yugoslavia topped the agenda. Following the meeting between

Tenet and Major General Dimo Gyaurov, Director of the National Intelligence

Service, a public statement was issued which stressed their "commonality of

interests." Reports in the Bulgarian press revealed that various options

were discussed with Bulgaria's president and prime minister. Tenet's

preferred option is the removal of the Yugoslav government, either as a

result of that country's election on September 24, or by a NATO military

assault that would install a puppet government. Another scenario would

follow the secession of Montenegro from Yugoslavia. If open warfare breaks

out over Montenegro's secession, then the United States plans to wage a

full-scale war against Yugoslavia, as it did in spring 1999. Sofia's

Monitor reported that the "CIA coup machine" is forming. "A strike against

Belgrade is imminent," it adds, and "Bulgaria will serve as a base." (1)

The Italian army recently signed a lease contract to conduct training

exercises beginning in October at the Koren training ground, near Kaskovo in

southeast Bulgaria. The French army signed a similar agreement, in which

French soldiers and tanks will train at the Novo Selo grounds in central

Bulgaria from October 11 to December 12. Talks are also underway for the

U.S. military to lease the Shabla training grounds in northeastern Bulgaria.

Scheduled to take place following the election in Yugoslavia, the training

exercises could serve as a launching pad for NATO's planned military strike.

It was recently announced that the British aircraft carrier HMS Invincible

is to be redeployed to the Adriatic over the next few months in support of a

potential conflict over Montenegro (2)

Military force is only one component of the West's destabilization

campaign against Yugoslavia. In November 1998, President Clinton launched a

plan for the overthrow of the government of Yugoslavia. The initial

emphasis of the plan centered on supporting secessionist forces in

Montenegro and the right-wing opposition in Serbia. (3) Several months

later, during the bombing of Yugoslavia, Clinton signed a secret paper

instructing the CIA to topple the Yugoslav government. The plan called for

the CIA to secretly fund opposition groups and the recruitment of moles in

the Yugoslav government and military. (4)

On July 8, 1999, U.S. and British officials revealed that commando teams

were training snatch operations to seize alleged war criminals and Yugoslav

President Slobodan Milosevic. As an encouragement to mercenaries, the U.S.

State Department also announced a million bounty for President Milosevic.

(5)

Several Yugoslav government officials and prominent individuals,

including Defense Minister Pavle Bulatovic, have been gunned down. Most of

these crimes remain unsolved, as the assassins managed to escape. Police

apprehended one assassin, Milivoje Gutovic, after he shot Vojvodina

Executive Council President Bosko Perosevic at an agricultural fair in Novi

Sad. During interrogations, Gutovic admitted to police that he worked for

the right-wing Serbian Renewal Movement. (6)

Goran Zugic, security advisor to secessionist Montenegrin President

Milo Djukanovic, was murdered late on May 31, 2000. The assassin escaped,

allowing Western leaders to blame President Milosevic. Coming just one week

before crucial local elections in Montenegro, forces opposing President

Milosevic stood to gain from the murder, as the effect would tend to sway

undecided voters in favor of secessionist parties. A few days after the

assassination, Yugoslav Minister of Information Goran Matic held a press

conference, at which he accused the CIA of complicity in the murder. Matic

played a taped recording of two telephone conversations between head of the

US mission in Dubrovnik Sean Burns, US State Department official James

Swaggert, Gabriel Escobar of the US economic group in Montenegro and Paul

Davies of the US Agency for International Development. Excerpts of the

conversations, recorded 20 minutes after the assassination and again three

hours later, included comments such as, "It was professional," and "Mission

accomplished." (7)

The first publicly known Western plan to assassinate President

Milosevic was drafted in 1992. Richard Tomlinson, a former British MI6

employee, later disclosed the plan. His task as an MI6 agent was to carry

out undercover operations in Eastern Europe posing as a businessman or

journalist. Tomlinson frequently met with MI6 officer Nick Fishwick.

During one their meetings, Fishwick showed Tomlinson a document entitled,

"The Need to Assassinate President Milosevic of Serbia." Three methods were

proposed for the assassination of Milosevic. The first method, Tomlinson

recalled, "was to train and equip a Serbian paramilitary opposition group,"

which would have the advantage of deniability but an unpredictable chance of

success. The second method would employ a specially trained British SAS

squad to murder President Milosevic "either with a bomb or sniper ambush."

Fishwick considered this more reliable, but it lacked deniability. The

third method would be to kill Milosevic "in a staged car crash." (8)

Seven years later, on October 3, 1999, the third method was employed against

the leader of the Serbian Renewal Movement, Vuk Draskovic, when a truck

filled with sand plowed into his car, killing everyone inside except for

Draskovic. The temperamental Draskovic had been a major factor in the

chronic fragmentation of the right-wing opposition, frustrating Washington's

efforts to forge a unified opposition. (9)

During NATO's war against Yugoslavia, a missile struck President

Milosevic's home on April 22, 1999. He and his wife were staying elsewhere

that evening. Pentagon spokesman Ken Bacon was quick to announce that "we

are not targeting President Milosevic." It is impossible, though, to view a

missile striking Milosevic's bedroom at 3:10 AM as anything but an

assassination attempt. (10)

In November 1999, members of an assassination squad, code-named

"Spider," were arrested in Yugoslavia. According to Minister Goran Matic,

"French intelligence was behind" the Spider group, whose aim was the

assassination of President Milosevic. Planned scenarios included a sniper

attack, planting an explosive device alongside a route they expected

Milosevic to travel, planting an explosive in his car, and organizing 10

trained commandos to storm the presidential residence. The leader of the

group, Jugoslav Petrusic, had dual Yugoslav and French citizenship. Matic

claimed that Petrusic worked for French intelligence for ten years. During

interrogations, Petrusic said that he had killed 50 men on orders by French

intelligence. Matic announced that one of the members of Spider was a

"specialist for killings with a truck full of sand" - the same method used

against Draskovic the previous month.

Following the Bosnian war, Petrusic organized the transport of 180

Bosnian Serb mercenaries to fight for Mobutu Sese Seku in Zaire, an affair

that was managed by French intelligence. According to a Bosnian Serb

businessman, Petrusic "did not hide the fact that he was working for the

French intelligence service. I have personally seen a photo of him next to

Mitterand as his bodyguard." In younger days, Petrusic was a member of the

French Foreign Legion. During NATO's war against Yugoslavia, the Spider

group infiltrated the Yugoslav Army, supplying information to the French and

guiding NATO warplanes to their targets.

Yugoslav secret service sources revealed that the Spider group trained

at NATO bases in Bosnia where "buildings resembling those where Milosevic

lives were constructed." Money from the French intelligence service for

Spider was brought to the border between Hungary and Yugoslavia by a man

named Serge Lazarevic. (11)

One month later, the members of a second hit team, calling itself the

Serbian Liberation Army, was arrested. Their aim was to assassinate

President Milosevic and restore the monarchy. (12)

At the end of July 2000, a squad of four Dutch commandos was

apprehended while attempting to cross into Serbia from Montenegro. During

the investigation, they admitted that they intended to kill or kidnap

President Milosevic. The four said that they were informed that million

had been offered for "Milosevic's head," and that they intended to "claim a

reward." One of the men said that the group planned to abduct Milosevic or

former Bosnian Serb President Radovan Karadzic and "surrender them to The

Hague." The group planned to put them atop a car "in a ski box and

transport them.out of the country." If the abduction failed, one of the

men "had the idea to kill the president, to decapitate his head, to put it

in the box and to send it home" to the Netherlands.

One of the arrested men, Gotfrides de Ri, belonged to the openly

racist neo-nazi Center Party. During the wars in Croatia and Bosnia, the

Center Party sent Dutch mercenaries to fight in right-wing Croatian

paramilitary units. At the time of their arrest, the four were found with

several knives, including one with a swastika, and wires with hooks for

strangulation. All four admitted that they had trained under the British

SAS. At a news conference on August 1, Goran Matic accused the U.S of being

the prime sponsor of assassinations and attempted assassinations. "It is

obvious that they are recruiting various terrorist groups because they are

frustrated with the fact that their military, political and economic goals

in southeastern Europe have not been realized. [They are] trying to send

them into the country so that they can change our political and social

environment." (13) Jonathan Eyal, an advisor to the British government,

commented recently, "I can't say when it will happen, but I can guarantee

that Milosevic will end up dead, and he will be followed by a more

pro-Western government." (14)

Flagrant Western interference is distorting the political process in

Yugoslavia. U.S. and Western European funds are channelled to right-wing

opposition parties and media through such organizations as the National

Endowment for Democracy and George Soros' Open Society Institute. The

National Democratic Institute (NDI) is yet another of the myriad

semi-private organizations that have attached themselves like leeches on

Eastern Europe. The NDI opened an office in Belgrade in 1997, hoping to

capitalize on opposition attempts to bring down the government through

street demonstrations. By 1999, the NDI had already trained over 900

right-wing party leaders and activists on "message development, public

outreach and election strategy." NDI also claimed to have provided

"organizational training and coalition-building expertise" to the

opposition. (15)

The New Serbia Forum, funded by the British Foreign Office, brings

Serbian professionals and academics to Hungary on a regular basis for

discussions with British and Central European "experts." The aim of the

meetings is to "design a blueprint for post-Milosevic society." The Forum

develops reports intended to serve as "an action plan" for a future

pro-Western government. Subjects under discussion have included

privatization and economic stabilization. The Forum calls for the

"reintegration of Yugoslavia into the European family," a phrase that

translates into the dismantling of the socialist economy and inviting

Western corporations to swarm in. (16)

Western aims were clearly spelled out in the Stability Pact for

Southeastern Europe of June 10, 1999. This document called for "creating

vibrant market economies" in the Balkans, and "markets open to greatly

expanded foreign trade and private sector investment." One year later, the

White House issued a fact sheet detailing the "major achievements" of the

Pact. Among the achievements listed, the European Bank for Reconstruction

and Development (EBRD) and the International Finance Corporations are said

to be "mobilizing private investment." By 2002, "new private investment in

the region" is expected to reach nearly billion. The Pact's Business

Advisory Council "is visiting all of the countries of Southeast Europe" to

"offer advice" on investment issues. Another initiative is Hungarian

involvement with opposition-led local governments and opposition media in

Serbia.

The Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC), on July 26, 2000,

inaugurated an investment fund to be managed by Soros Private Funds

Management. The Southeast Europe Equity Fund, "will invest in companies in

the region in a range of sectors." Its purpose, according to the U.S.

Embassy in Macedonia, is "to provide capital for new business development,

expansion and privatization." In March 2000, Montenegro signed an agreement

permitting the operation of OPIC on its territory. Billionaire George

Soros spelled out what all this means. U.S. involvement in the region, he

said, "creates investment opportunities," and "I am happy to put my money

where they are putting theirs." In other words, there is money to be made.

George Munoz, President and CEO of OPIC was also blunt. "The Southeast

Europe Equity Fund," he announced, "is an ideal vehicle to connect American

institutional capital with European entrepreneurs eager to help Americans

tap their growing markets. OPIC is pleased that Soros Private Funds

Management has chosen to send a strong, positive signal that Southeast

Europe is open for business."

The final text of the Stability Pact for Southeast Europe suggested

that a Yugoslavia that would "respect" the Pact's "principles and

objectives" would be "welcome" to become a full member. "In order to draw

the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia closer to this goal," the document

declared, Montenegro would be an "early beneficiary." Western leaders hope

that a future pro-Western Yugoslavia would, as has the rest of Eastern

Europe, be "eager to help Americans" make money. (17)

Western leaders yearn to install a puppet government in Belgrade, and

place their hopes in the fragmented right-wing opposition parties in Serbia.

In 1999, American officials encouraged these parties to organize mass

demonstrations to overthrow the government, but these rallies quickly

fizzled due to lack of popular support. When Yugoslav Federal and local

elections were announced for July 24, 2000, American and Western European

officials met with leaders of the Serbian opposition parties, urging them to

unite behind one presidential candidate. Despite U.S. efforts, three

candidates emerged in opposition to President Milosevic.

At the beginning of August 2000, the U.S. opened an office in Budapest

specifically tasked to assist opposition parties in Yugoslavia. Among the

staff are 24 psychological warfare specialists who engaged in psychological

operations during NATO's war against Yugoslavia and earlier against Iraq in

the Gulf War. During those operations, the team also fabricated news items

in an effort to sway Western public opinion.

If President Milosevic is re-elected, then U.S. Secretary of State

Madeleine Albright expects street demonstrations to overturn the election

results and topple the government. In meetings held in Banja Luka in spring

2000, Albright expressed disappointment with the failure of past efforts to

overthrow the legally elected Yugoslav government. Albright said that she

had hoped sanctions would lead people to "blame Milosevic for this

suffering." An exasperated Albright wondered, "What was stopping the people

from taking to the streets?" Indicating that the U.S. was casting about for

a pretext for intervention, she added, "Something needs to happen in Serbia

that the West can support." (18)

The paths of Yugoslavia's two republics are sharply diverging, and

Montenegro has embarked on a program to place its entire economy at the

service of the West. November 1999 saw the introduction in Montenegro of

the German mark as an official currency and the passage of legislation

eliminating socially owned property. One month later, several large firms

were publicly offered for sale, including the Electric Power Company, the

13th July Agricultural Complex, the Hotel-Tourist firm Boka and many others.

(19) The republic's privatization program for 2000 calls for the

privatization of most state-owned industries, and includes measures to

"protect domestic and foreign investors." Three hundred firms will be

privatized in the initial stage of the plan. In early 2000, the U.S. signed

an agreement to provide Montenegro million, including million from

the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID). According to the

agency, it will also undertake "assistance programs to support economic

reform and restructuring the economy..to advance Montenegro toward a free

market economy." U.S. policy advisor on the Balkans James Dobbins indicated

that the U.S. viewed the "market-oriented reforms of the Djukanovic regime

as a model and stimulus for similar reforms throughout the former

Yugoslavia." The U.S. is also offering guarantees for private investors in

the republic. Additional aid is provided by the European Union, which has

approved million for Montenegro. "From the first day," admitted

Djukanovic, "we have had British and European consultants." (20)

The Center for International Private Enterprise, an affiliate of the

U.S. Chamber of Commerce, is providing support to the Center for

Entrepreneurship (CEP) in Montenegro. According to the center's executive

director, Petar Ivanovic, the organization "focuses on elementary and high

schools," establishing entrepreneurship as a new subject to be taught in

schools. As Ivanovic explains it, "Introducing young people to the concept

of entrepreneurship will make them less resistant to the private sector."

The CEP also intends to "educate government officials about the potential

rewards of the private sector," and to help them "understand the benefits of

economic reform and privatization." (21) According to Djukanovic, when he

met with President Clinton on June 21, 1999, the U.S. president gave the

privatization process a push by telling Djukanovic that the U.S. planned to

"stimulate the economy" by "encouraging US corporations and banks to invest

capital in Montenegro." (22)

Djukanovic has moved steadily toward secession from Yugoslavia,

indicating that he will push for separation if the right-wing opposition

loses the September 24 election. In a phone call to Djukanovic in July

2000, Madeleine Albright promised that the U.S would provide him with an

additional .5 million. That same week, Djukanovic blurted out that

Montenegro "is no longer part of Yugoslavia." He also made the astonishing

claim that he considered it a "priority" for Montenegro to join NATO, the

organization that had bombed his country only the year before. The next

month, Albright announced that she and Djukanovic "try and talk to each

other and meet on a regular basis," and that the "United States is

supportive of the approach that President Djukanovic has taken in terms of

democratic development and his approach to the economic reforms also." (23)

Western support for secession extends beyond Albright meeting and

talking with Djukanovic. More than half of the population of Montenegro

opposes secession, and any such move is likely to explode into violence. In

preparation for that rift, Djukanovic is building up a private army of over

20,000 soldiers, the Special Police, including special forces armed with

anti-tank weapons. Sources in Montenegro revealed that Western special

forces are training this private army. Djukanovic has requested that NATO

establish an "air shield over Montenegro" as he moves toward secession. One

member of the Special Police, named Velibor, confirmed that they were

receiving training from the British SAS. "If there is a situation where

weapons will decide the outcome, we are ready," he said. "We are training

for that." At a press conference on August 1, 2000, Minister Goran Matic

declared that the "British are carrying out part of the training of the

Montenegrin special units. It is also true," he added, that the Special

Police "are intensively obtaining various kinds and types of weapons,

starting with anti-aircraft and anti-helicopter weapons and so on, and they

are also being assisted by Croatia, as the weapons go through Dubrovnik and

other places." Furthermore, Matic pointed out that, "last year, before and

after the aggression, a group from within the Montenegrin MUP [Ministry of

Interior Affairs] structure left for training within the U.S. police

structure and the U.S. intelligence structures." In August, two armored

vehicles bound for Montenegro were discovered in the port of Ancona, Italy.

One of the vehicles was fitted with a turret suitable for mounting a machine

gun or anti-tank weapon. Italian customs officials, reports the Italian

news service ANSA, are "convinced" that arms trafficking to Montenegro "is

of far greater magnitude than this single episode might lead one to

believe." Revelling in anticipation of armed conflict, Djukanovic bragged

that "many will tuck their tails between their legs and will soon have to

flee Montenegro." (24)

A violent conflict in Montenegro would provide NATO with its

long-desired pretext for intervention. As early as October 1999, General

Wesley Clark drew up plans for a NATO invasion of Montenegro. The plan

envisions an amphibious assault by more than 2,000 Marines storming the port

of Bar and securing the port as a beachhead for pushing inland. Troops

ferried by helicopters would seize the airport at Podgorica, while NATO

warplanes would bomb and strafe resisting Yugoslav forces. According to

U.S. officials, other Western countries have also developed invasion plans.

(25) Richard Holbrooke, U.S. Ambassador to the UN declared, "We are in

constant touch with the leadership of Montenegro," and warned that a

conflict in Montenegro "would be directly affecting NATO's vital interest."

(26) NATO General Secretary George Robertson was more explicit. "I say to

Milosevic: watch out, look what happened the last time you miscalculated."

(27)

President Milosevic and the ruling coalition enjoy considerable popular

support in Yugoslavia, and many Western analysts admit they are likely to

emerge victorious in the September 24 election. This will set in motion,

possibly within a few months, a NATO strike launched from Bulgaria intended

to overthrow the legally elected government of Yugoslavia. If the coup

fails, then Montenegro could declare independence, setting in motion a chain

of events that would lead to a second all out war by NATO against

Yugoslavia. The war in 1999 brought immense suffering to the Balkans. The

next war promises to be catastrophic.

NOTES

1) "Bulgaria - Press Review" BTA (Sofia), August 12, 2000

"Bulgaria - Us CIA Director's Visit," BTA (Sofia), August 15, 2000

"CIA Did Not Tell Us the Most Important Thing," Trud (Sofia), August 16,

2000

"Bulgaria - Press Review," BTA (Sofia), August 14, 2000

"Bulgaria - Press Review," BTA (Sofia), August 16, 2000

2) Mila Avramova, "Italians Lease Training Ground for 400,000 Leva," Trud

(Sofia), August 9, 2000

Michael Evans, "Balkans Watch for 'Invincible'," The Times (London), August

26, 2000.

3) Paul Beaver, "Clinton Tells CIA to Oust Milosevic," The Observer,

November 29, 2000.

Fran Visnar, "Clinton and the CIA Have Created a Scenario to Overthrow

Milosevic," Vijesnik (Zagreb), November 30, 2000.

4) Douglas Waller, "Tearing Down Milosevic," Time Magazine, July 12, 1999.

5) Michael Moran, "A Threat to 'Snatch' Milosevic," MSNBC, July 8, 1999.

6) "Yugoslav Police Say Killer of Local Leader Worked for Opposition,"

Agence France-Presse,

May 15, 2000.

"Arrested Assassin Gutovic Member of Otpor and SPO," Tanjug

(Belgrade), May 15, 2000.

7) "Yugoslav Official Accuses CIA of Being Behind Montenegro Murder," Agence

France-Presse,

June 6, 2000.

Aleksandar Vasovic, "Serb Aide Says CIA Behind Slaying," Associated Press,

June 6, 2000

"Yugoslav Information Minister Accuses CIA of Complicity in Zugic Murder,"

Borba (Belgrade),

June 6, 2000

8) Statement by Richard Tomlinson, addressed to John Wadham, September 11,

1998.

9) "Serb Consensus: Draskovic Crash Was No Accident," Seattle Times News

Services, October 13,

1999.

10) "NATO: Milosevic Not Target," BBC News, April 22, 1999.

11) "Serbs Allege Milosevic Assassination Plot," Reuters, November 25, 1999.

"France Plots to Murder Milosevic," Agence France-Presse, November 26, 1999.

"SFOR Units Involved in a Plot to Kill Milosevic," Agence France-Presse,

December 1, 1999.

Gordana Igric, "Alleged 'Assassins' Were No Stranger to France," IWPR Balkan

Crisis Report (London), November 26, 1999.

Milenko Vasovic, "Belgrade's French Connection," IWPR Balkan Crisis Report

(London), November 26, 1999.

12) "Lt. Testifies at Milosevic Trial," Associated Press, April 26, 2000.

13) Aleksandar Vasovic, "4 Accused of Milosevic Death Plot," Associated

Press, July 31, 2000.

"Dutchmen Arrested, Accused of Plotting Against Milosevic," Agence

France-Presse, July 31, 2000.

Email correspondence from Herman de Tollenaere, quoting from NRC- Business

Paper of August 1, 2000.

"Arrested Dutchmen Admitted Plans to Kill, Kidnap Milosevic," BETA

(Belgrade), August 17, 2000.

"Dutch Espionage Terrorist Gang Arrested in Yugoslavia - Minister," Tanjug

(Belgrade), July 31, 2000.

"Yugoslav Information Minister Says U.S. Behind Dutch 'Mercenaries'," BBC

Monitoring Service, August 1, 2000.

14) "West Sees Noose Tightening Around Milosevic," Reuters, June 9, 2000.

15) "NDI Activities in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia

(Serbia-Montenegro)," NDI Worldwide

Activities, www.ndi.org

16) "Britain Trains New Elite for Post-Milosevic Era," The Independent, May

3, 2000.

The New Serbia Forum web page,

http://ds.dial.pipex.com/town/way/glj77/Serbia.htm

17) "Final Text of Stability Pact for Southeast Europe," June 10, 1999.

U.S. Embassy, Skopje, Macedonia, "Southeast Europe Equity Fund Launched July

26," July 27, 2000.

White House Fact Sheet, "The Stability Pact for Southeast Europe: One Year

Later," July 27, 2000.

18) Borislav Komad, "At Albright's Signal," Vecernje Novosti, May 18, 2000.

"US Anti-Yugoslav Office Opens in Budapest," Tanjug (Belgrade), August 21,

2000.

19) Ljubinka Cagorovic, "Montenegro Assembly Scraps Socially-Owned

Property," Reuters,

November 13, 1999.

"Montenegrin Government Prepares to Privatise Economy," Tanjug (Belgrade),

December 25, 1999.

20) Central and Eastern European Business Information Center, "Southeastern

Europe Business Brief,"

February 3, 2000.

Central and Eastern European Business Information Center, "Southeastern

Europe Business Brief,"

April 27, 2000.

Anne Swardson, "West Grows Close to Montenegro," Washington Post, May 24,

2000.

21) Petar Invanovic, "Montenegro: Laying the Foundation of

Entrepreneurship," Center for International

Private Enterprise.

22) Statement by Montenegrin President Milo Djukanovic, "Important Step in

Opening New Perspectives

For Montenegrin State Policy," Pobjeda (Podgorica), June 22, 1999.

23) "Albright Renews Montenegro Support," Associated Press, July 13, 2000.

"Montenegro Wants to Join NATO and the EU," Agence France-Presse, July 10,

2000.

Office of the Spokesman, U.S. Department of State, "Secretary of State

Madeleine K. Albright and

Montenegrin President Milo Djukanovic," Press Stakeout at Excelsior Hotel,

Rome, Italy, August 1,

2000.

24) "Montenegro Ahead of Elections: Boycott and Threats," BETA (Belgrade),

August 9, 2000.

"Montenegro and Elections - Boycott Becomes Official," BETA (Belgrade),

August 17, 2000.

Phil Reese, "We Have the Heart for Battle, Says Montenegrin Trained by SAS,"

The Independent,

July 30, 2000.

"Yugoslav Information Minister Says U.S. Behind Dutch 'Mercenaries'", BBC

Monitoring Service,

August 1, 2000.

"Yugoslavia Says British SAS Trains Montenegrins," Reuters, August 1, 2000.

"Information Minister Sees Montenegrin Arms Purchases, Croatian Assistance,"

BETA (Belgrade),

July 31, 2000.

"Foreign 'Dogs of War' Training Montenegrin Police to Attack Army," Tanjug

(Belgrade), August 9, 2000.

"Montenegro: Camouflaged Military Vehicles Seized in Ancona," ANSA (Rome),

August 21, 2000.

"Montenegro: Traffic in Camouflaged Armored Vehicles: Investigation into

Documentation," ANSA (Rome), August 22, 2000.

25) Richard J. Newman, "Balkan Brinkmanship," US News and World Report,

November 15, 1999.

26) "Clinton Warns Milosevic 'Remains a Threat to Peace'," Agence

France-Presse, July 29, 2000.

27) "NATO's Robertston Warns Milosevic on Montenegro," Reuters, July 27,

2000.







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