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107 More Groups Oppose Neil Gorsuch

by Civil Rights Dot Org Thursday, Feb. 16, 2017 at 12:38 AM

107 women's, labor, civil rights, abolition of death penalty, gay and other groups join the mass movement opposing Neil Gorsuch

107 More Groups Oppo...
logo.jpg, image/jpeg, 1573x1234

Paragraphs from a letter signed by 107 groups

(women's, labor, civil rights, gays, anti death penalty etc.) opposing Neil Gorsuch:

Discrimination Claims: In a 2005 article published in the conservative National Review, Judge Gorsuch wrote: “American liberals have become addicted to the courtroom, relying on judges and lawyers rather than elected leaders and the ballot box, as the primary means of effecting their social agenda on everything from gay marriage to assisted suicide to the use of vouchers for private-school education. This overweening addiction to the courtroom as the place to debate social policy is bad for the country and bad for the judiciary.”[1] Throughout our nation’s history, the federal courts have been a critical backstop in ensuring the rights and liberties of all Americans. Judge Gorsuch’s hostility to the use of courts by discrimination victims to enforce their rights under the Constitution and federal law demonstrates his ideological agenda and has been reflected in his judicial decisions, particularly dissents and concurrences, during his decade on the bench.

Take, for example, the case Strickland v. UPS.[2] In this case, the majority held that Carole Strickland, a UPS account executive, could proceed with a sex discrimination claim under Title VII based on evidence that she was treated worse than male colleagues despite her outperforming them in sales. Judge Gorsuch dismissed the evidentiary record and dissented; he voted to throw the victim’s discrimination claim out of court. In Weeks v. Kansas,[3] writing for a conservative panel, Judge Gorsuch threw out another case of sex discrimination where the plaintiff, Rebecca Weeks, was fired in retaliation for her advocating on behalf of two colleagues who had been discriminated against. In his opinion, Judge Gorsuch declined to consider a superseding Supreme Court decision that might have benefitted the plaintiff simply because she did not raise it in her briefs, a troubling approach because judges have a duty to consider relevant case law regardless of whether the parties have cited it.

Workers’ Rights: Judge Gorsuch’s favorable treatment of employers and corporate defendants can also be seen in his reflexive rejection of workers’ rights claims, and he’s often a dissenting voice in such cases. In Compass Environmental, Inc. v. OSHRC,[4] the majority held that the employer must pay a fine for disregarding an internal policy and failing to train a worker who was electrocuted to death by high-voltage lines located near his work area. Judge Gorsuch issued a dissent and voted to throw the case out of court because he didn’t believe the employer was negligent.

In TransAm Trucking, Inc. v. Administrative Review Board,[5] the majority held that a trucking company unlawfully fired an employee in violation of federal whistleblower protections. The employee, Alphonse Maddin, was a truck driver whose brakes broke down in the middle of a freezing January night in Illinois. The truck heater didn’t work either, and he got so cold that he couldn’t feel his feet or torso, and he had trouble breathing. Nonetheless, his boss ordered him to wait in the truck until a repairperson arrived. After waiting for three hours, Mr. Maddin finally drove off in the truck and left the trailer behind, in search of assistance. His employer fired him a week later for violating company policy by abandoning his load while under dispatch. The panel majority said the firing was unlawful, but Judge Gorsuch dissented and said the employee should have followed orders even at the risk of serious injury.

In NLRB v. Community Health Services, Inc.[6] Judge Gorsuch again dissented from a majority opinion that found in favor of employees, where a hospital was required to award back pay to 13 employees whose hours had been reduced in violation of the National Labor Relations Act. His recurrent dissents in workers’ rights cases suggest a refusal to follow binding case law when it leads to results that favor workers rather than businesses and employers.

Immigration: In the closely-divided en banc decision in Zamora v. Elite Logistics, Inc.,[7] Judge Gorsuch voted to affirm the district court’s granting of summary judgment which blocked a Title VII national origin discrimination case from going to trial despite evidence of animus, unlawful reverification, and document abuse by the employer. The lead concurrence in this case, which Judge Gorsuch joined, reflects an approach that insulates employers from liability for discrimination against immigrant workers so long as they claim that they were unaware of the law or took their actions due to a fear of sanction by federal immigration authorities – even where those actions themselves violated immigration law. Judge Gorsuch’s record suggests that if he were confirmed as a Supreme Court justice, he would give great leeway to immigration enforcement strategies that use the fear of sanction against employers as a principal mechanism, and would condone employers hiding behind federal immigration laws to justify unlawful workplace practices.

Women’s Health: Judge Gorsuch has written or joined opinions that would restrict women’s health care, including allowing religious beliefs to override women’s access to birth control and defunding Planned Parenthood. In Hobby Lobby Stores, Inc. v. Sebelius,[8] he signed on to an opinion allowing certain for-profit employers to refuse to comply with the birth control benefit in the Affordable Care Act. Citing to Citizens United v. FEC, [9] the decision held that corporations can be “persons” with religious beliefs and that employers can use those religious beliefs to block employees’ insurance coverage of birth control. In Little Sisters of the Poor Home for the Aged v. Burwell, [10] Judge Gorsuch dissented from the majority’s decision approving the accommodation in the birth control benefit that allows non-profit employers to opt out of the benefit but makes sure the employees get birth control coverage. Judge Gorsuch joined a dissent that argued the simple act of filling out an opt-out form constitutes a substantial burden on religious exercise. And in Planned Parenthood Association of Utah v. Herbert,[11] Judge Gorsuch dissented from the majority’s decision to keep in place a preliminary injunction that stopped the state of Utah from blocking access to health care and education for thousands of Planned Parenthood's patients. If the policy had gone into effect, it would have cut off access to an after-school sex education program for teens and STD testing and treatment for at-risk communities.

LGBT Rights: As noted previously, in his 2005 National Review article Judge Gorsuch expressed disdain for those seeking to use the courts to enforce their rights under the law, and he specifically criticized LGBT Americans who have relied on federal courts in their quest for equality. The rationale he employed in the Hobby Lobby case – a license to discriminate for private corporations – has also been used by several states to justify discrimination against LGBT Americans.[12] And his skepticism about LGBT claims is also demonstrated in a 2015 case, Druley v. Patton,[13] where he voted to reject a claim by a transgender woman incarcerated in Oklahoma who alleged that her constitutional rights were violated when she was denied medically necessary hormone treatment and the right to wear feminine clothing. Other federal courts have reached the opposite conclusion in such cases.[14]

Police Misconduct: In the case Wilson v. City of Lafayette,[15] a 22-year-old man possessing marijuana was fleeing arrest, and a police officer shot him in the head with a stun gun from a distance of 10-15 feet away, which was contrary to the police department’s training manual. The young man, Ryan Wilson, died. Judge Gorsuch held that the officer was entitled to qualified immunity from an excessive force claim, reasoning that the use of force was reasonable because the young man was fleeing arrest. The dissent in this case criticized Judge Gorsuch’s analysis and stated: “In the present case, it would be unreasonable for an officer to fire a taser probe at Ryan Wilson’s head when he could have just as easily fired the probe into his back. The taser training materials note that officers should not aim at the head or throat unless the situation dictates a higher level of injury risk. Nothing about the situation here required an elevated level of force.”[16]

Students with Disabilities: Judge Gorsuch has consistently ruled against students with disabilities seeking educational services to which they were entitled under the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA). In A.F. v. Española Public Schools,[17] he dismissed a claim brought under the Americans with Disabilities Act because the school district had previously settled a lawsuit with the student for IDEA violations. A dissenting judge in this case criticized Judge Gorsuch’s reasoning and observed: “This was clearly not the intent of Congress and, ironically enough, harms the interests of the children that IDEA was intended to protect.”[18] In Garcia v. Board of Education of Albuquerque Public Schools,[19] Judge Gorsuch held that a student who left the school out of frustration with the school’s failure to follow the IDEA was entitled to no remedy. And in Thompson R2-J School District v. Luke P.,[20] he held that a student with autism did not have a right under the IDEA to attend a private residential program, even though the district court and a Colorado Department of Education hearing officer determined that such a placement was necessary for Luke and that public schools had been unsuccessful in addressing his educational needs.

Corporate Bias: Judge Gorsuch’s judicial activism was on display last year in the case Gutierrez-Brizuela v. Lynch,[21] where he issued a lengthy concurrence to an opinion he himself had written – a signal that his colleagues refused to sign on to his ideological agenda. In his concurrence, he questioned the constitutional legitimacy of a decades-old binding precedent, Chevron U.S.A., Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc.[22] The Chevron doctrine requires deference to federal agencies’ interpretation of ambiguous laws as long as the interpretation is reasonable, which has resulted in the safeguarding of workers’ rights, environmental protection, consumer protections, food safety, and many other protections for people’s health and well-being. Judge Gorsuch believes that judges should make these decisions instead of agencies with the relevant expertise, which would lead to a dramatic expansion of the power and role of the judiciary. He would relegate this vital precedent to the dustbin of history because it disfavors the corporate interests he championed as a lawyer and as a judge. As several commentators have noted, Judge Gorsuch’s cramped view of the Chevron doctrine is even more extreme than the views of Justice Antonin Scalia.[23]

Money in Politics: For four decades, the Supreme Court’s flawed approach to money in politics has gutted common sense protections against the power of special interests and wealthy individuals – most recently in Citizens United and McCutcheon v. FEC[24] – that has shaped a system that 85% of Americans believe needs fundamental change. In his only opinion directly addressing money in politics, Judge Gorsuch expressed openness to providing a higher level of constitutional protection to a donor’s right to make political contributions than the Court at times has provided the right to vote. In Riddle v. Hickenlooper,[25] he wrote a separate concurrence that suggested courts should afford strict scrutiny, the highest constitutional protection, to political contribution limits. That view puts Gorsuch among the ranks of judges who are extremely hostile to campaign finance reform measures and would essentially gut the ability of Congress and the states to set any reasonable limits on money in our elections.

Environmental Protection: Judge Gorsuch’s rejection of the binding Chevron decision, which prevents judges from substituting their judgment for that of federal agencies with expertise, betrays a general hostility to regulatory agencies and regulatory safeguards that protect our air, water, lands, and wildlife. In United States v. Nichols,[26] he wrote a lengthy dissent that tried to revive an obscure legal doctrine that could strike down many significant environmental laws. And in Wilderness Society v. Kane County,[27] he concurred with a decision to dismiss a claim brought by several environmental organizations asserting that a county ordinance that opened a large stretch of federal land to off-highway vehicles was preempted by federal law. The dissent in this case observed that the majority holding “will have long-term deleterious effects on the use and management of federal public lands.”[28]

Voting Rights: In 2006, when he was nominated to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit, Judge Gorsuch stated in his Senate questionnaire that between June 2005 and July 2006, he served as the Principal Deputy to the Associate Attorney General, a job in which he managed several litigating components at the Justice Department, including the Civil Rights Division. On Gorsuch’s watch, political appointees ran roughshod over career attorneys who sought to lodge Section 5 objections under the Voting Rights Act to Georgia’s photo ID law. This disgraceful practice was exposed in a November 2005 Washington Post article: “A team of Justice Department lawyers and analysts who reviewed a Georgia voter-identification law recommended rejecting it because it was likely to discriminate against black voters, but they were overruled the next day by higher-ranking officials at Justice, according to department documents…. The plan was blocked on constitutional grounds in October by a U.S. District Court judge, who compared the measure to a Jim Crow-era poll tax.”[29] Gorsuch should be questioned about his role in supervising the Georgia photo ID litigation and the extent to which he was involved in supporting the use of photo ID laws by Georgia and other states, and about his role in overturning the recommendations of career attorneys to object to such laws.

Politicized Hiring in Civil Rights Division: In addition, during the year in which Gorsuch helped manage the Civil Rights Division, political appointees there engaged in unlawful hiring discrimination against lawyers with liberal affiliations, and this became the subject of a 2008 Inspector General report entitled “An Investigation of Allegations of Politicized Hiring and Other Improper Personnel Actions in the Civil Rights Division.”[30] Gorsuch should be questioned by Senators about his knowledge of and role in these activities, which constituted an unlawful attempt to exclude lawyers from the Department of Justice who had a civil rights background and who would have aggressively enforced federal civil rights laws. He should also be questioned about his role in the 2005 appointment of Bradley Schlozman – whom the Inspector General concluded committed the most infractions – to be the Acting Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights.

The Leadership Conference urges all Senators to oppose the Gorsuch nomination. They must exercise their full “advice and consent” responsibility by engaging in a searching and thorough review of Judge Gorsuch’s record and judicial philosophy. The Senate Judiciary Committee must engage in full and fair hearings in which all requested documents are produced and examined, committee members are permitted to adequately question Judge Gorsuch and receive full and complete answers, and enough outside witnesses are permitted to testify regarding Judge Gorsuch’s record. Before the full Senate considers acting on the nomination of Judge Gorsuch, the American people have a right to know precisely how his appointment to the Supreme Court would impact their rights, freedoms, and liberties. When this review is complete, we are confident that the Senate will reject this nomination.

Thank you for your consideration of our views. If you would like to discuss this matter further, please contact Wade Henderson, President and CEO, or Nancy Zirkin, Executive Vice President, at (202) 466-3311.


The Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights

9to5, National Association of Working Women

A. Philip Randolph Institute

Advocates for Youth

African American Ministers In Action

The African American Policy Forum

Alliance for Citizenship

Alliance for Justice

American Association of People with Disabilities

American Atheists

American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee

Americans for Democratic Action (ADA)

Americans United for Separation of Church and State

Asian Americans Advancing Justice - AAJC

Asian Pacific American Labor Alliance, AFL-CIO (APALA)

Battle Born Progress

Bazelon Center for Mental Health Law

Bend the Arc Jewish Action

Bill of Rights Defense Committee/Defending Dissent Foundation

Black Women's Roundtable

Catholics for Choice

Center for Health and Gender Equity (CHANGE)

Center for Law and Social Policy (CLASP)

Center for Responsible Lending

Coalition of Black Trade Unionists

Coalition of Labor Union Women

Coalition on Human Needs

Communications Workers of America

Congregation of Sisters of St. Agnes

Democracy Initiative



EMILY's List

Equal Justice Society

Equal Rights Advocates

Every Voice

Family Equality Council

Farmworker Justice

Feminist Majority

Four Freedoms Forum
Friends of the Earth

GLMA: Health Professionals Advancing LGBT Equality

Global Justice Institute


Hispanic Federation

Housing Choice Partners

Human Rights Campaign

Immigrant Legal Resource Center

Institute for Science and Human Values

Labor Council for Latin American Advancement (LCLAA)

Lambda Legal

LatinoJustice PRLDEF

League of Conservation Voters

League of United Latin American Citizens

Legal Aid at Work

Main Street Alliance

Mi Familia Vota


NARAL Pro-Choice America

National Abortion Federation

National Action Network

National Asian Pacific American Women's Forum

National Asian American Pacific Islander Mental Health Association

National Association of Human Rights Workers

National Association of Social Workers

National Bar Association

National Black Justice Coalition

National Center for Law and Economic Justice

National Center for Lesbian Rights

National Coalition for Asian Pacific American Community Development

National Coalition on Black Civic Participation

National Council of Asian Pacific Americans (NCAPA)

National Council of Jewish Women

National Council on Independent Living

National Education Association

National Employment Law Project

National Fair Housing Alliance

National Health Law Program

National Hispanic Media Coalition

National Immigration Law Center

National Latina Institute for Reproductive Health

National LGBTQ Task Force Action Fund

National Organization for Women

National Partnership for Women & Families

National Women's Law Center

OCA - Asian Pacific American Advocates

Partnership for Working Families

People For the American Way

Planned Parenthood Federation of America

Policy Link

Population Connection Action Fund

Pride at Work

Pride Fund to End Gun Violence


Religious Institute

Service Employees International Union (SEIU)

Sierra Club

Southeast Asia Resource Action Center (SEARAC)

Southern Poverty Law Center

Transgender Law Center

The Trevor Project

URGE: Unite for Reproductive & Gender Equity

US Women and Cuba Collaboration

Voices for Progress

Voting Rights Forward

Women Employed

Women's Voices Women Vote Action Fund

Woodhull Freedom Foundation



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