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Letter to comrade Edward (The Road to Information War)

by Ben Seattle Monday, May. 15, 2006 at 8:13 AM

A longer-term view of the tasks of building anti-imperialist and revolutionary organization in the U.S. in the early 21st century: (1) Work to build an open community of activists (2) Develop national reach via the internet (indymedia newswires, email lists, etc) (3) Develop theoretical tools that will allow us to think about and talk about our long-term goal

Hi Edward,

We have had a successful Mayday action. Thousands of workers

came out into the street. We distributed thousands of leaflets.

Maybe a few people will come to our next meeting.

And, with some of our immediate tasks out of the way, this is a

good time to give thought to our longer-term tasks.

* * * * * *

For the Seattle Anti-Imperialist Committee (SAIC) to serve the

movement it will need to take a long-term approach and do the

right things:

1. be open

--------------

Work to build an open community of activists

who can help us better understand the movement,

extend our reach and resolve our disputes.

2. develop national reach

---------------------------------

Make regular and consistent posts to many indymedia

sites, email lists and web-based forums -- and follow up

to respond to the best comments or criticisms we receive.

3. recognize the need for theory

-----------------------------------------

Confront the questions that need to be confronted

(including the crisis of theory) so that we can consumate

the marriage between our current tasks and our future goals.

* * * * * *

The current orientation of SAIC will eventually reach the limits

of its effectiveness (if it has not already done so). Whether

SAIC takes steps in the direction (above) that it needs to go --

depends a lot on you.

You have asked me to join SAIC. I do not understand your reasons

for this. I already assist SAIC, attend its public meetings,

make suggestions on its agitation and help distribute its

leaflets. More than this -- I am a source of the kind of

criticism which SAIC needs. There is a gap between what SAIC

does and what our movement needs. I point to this gap. This is

much more important (and necessary) than having formal status as

a member.

* * * * * *

This is not an easy time to build an organization. The

theoretical level in the movement is abysmal and there is no

widespread recognition (or hatred) of the sabotaging role of the

reformist political trends which chain the movement to the

illusions, schemes and manuevers that originate with the

imperialist Democratic Party. So the approach which I advocate

-- even if followed -- would be unlikely to yield results in the

short term.

The CVO comrades [1] advocate one path for SAIC (ie: more or less

the path it is currently following) and I advocate another path

(ie: see my three points above). They advocate planting certain

kinds of seeds in a certain way -- while I advocate a different

mix of seeds and different ways of planting. But even with the

right seeds and the right methods -- there is the question of

time (ie: it takes seeds time to sprout) and conditions (ie: how

favorable is the soil and other factors). So there is no easy

experiment that can quickly prove which path is best.

Scientific experiment (ie: practice) is the best way to determine

which path is best -- but as noted -- experiment takes time and

results are uncertain in any event. So my arguments here are

somewhat theoretical.

* * * * * *

Why do we need to build an open community?

We need a community to help us with our mission. We need extra

eyes and ears in the movement. We need a tranmission belt to

extend our influence to the movement. We need a laboratory to

help us better understand the interaction of different trends and

the ways in which the formulations of our political line are

understood. We need a school of information war. A community

can be all of these things.

A community can be a gateway for those activists who want to

investigate our views and our practice.

A community can also assist us in better understanding and

resolving our contradictions.

The community must be open because that is the nature of a

community. It must be something that is easy for activists to be

part of -- with few commitments required other than to treat

other activists with respect and a recognition that a certain

level of focus and responsiveness is required in order for the

community to work.

Within the community, projects will compete with one another for

attention. Some of these projects will be reformist-oriented

efforts which we will understand are a waste of time and are

destined to go nowhere. This is inevitable because, in many

ways, our community will be a microcosm of the larger movement -

and will reflect within itself, in concentrated form, all the

contradictions of the movement.

In other ways, we can consider a community like this to be a

primitive form of mass organization - a low-level form that is

unfocused and undisciplined. But as unfocused and undisciplined

as it is -- it may still represent a step forward for us - and

help us to learn how to build and to influence communities of

activists.

SAIC has already taken a significant step toward the development

of a community. Every article that SAIC writes is now "live" in

the form of a blog where readers can post public comments,

questions and criticisms. We need to continue in the direction

of transparency and community.

Building a community is a long term project. Such a project

requires the appplication of consistent effort over a long period

of time. The level of effort is not necessarily high - maybe

half an hour or an hour per week. But the effort must be steady,

consistent and long-term. And in the long term, it will pay off.

(This is what I believe. The community I have been working to

build [2] has not yet reached a critical mass of talent and

determination in spite of years of work that I have poured into

it. Nor is it clear how many more years it will be before such a

critical mass appears.)

* * * * * *

The case for putting more of an effort into national distribution

-- is that the real value and significance of our work can only

be appreciated by a relatively small section of activists (ie:

who have learned to hate opportunism) and 98% of these activists

are outside Seattle. Some of these activists read Portland

Indymedia -- but many do not. If we want to reach them -- we

must post to many indymedia sites, email lists and other types of

forums -- and must experiment with ways of replying (at least to

the more serious criticisms) so that our posts are not perceived

as spam.

* * * * * *

The case for developing theoretical tools that allow us to

confront the more serious questions -- is that these questions

are very important to the thinking of activists.

Activists want to know why the Soviet and Chinese revolutions

failed (ie: degenerated into police states). If we don't tell

them why these revolutions failed -- the bourgeoisie will (and

does). The bourgeoisie will (and does) claim that any attempt to

defy the rule of the market will inevitably result in: (1) a

police state and (2) low productivity (ie: poverty for everyone

except corrupt bureaucrats and jail for anyone who speaks out).

I recently reviewed (again) some of the CVO's theoretical work on

what they call the "transition to socialism". It was quite poor

-- at least in relation to answering basic questions that

activists have. The CVO is unable to provide a reliable

explanation of what "socialism" is -- much less give any clear

idea of the transition to this thing which they are unable to

either define or explain. In particular, the articles include no

_mention_ whatsoever of the decisive role of _democratic rights_

in making it possible for the working class as a _class_ (ie: not

just an organization which claims to represent the class) to

actually run and control the economy, culture and politics of the

new society.

The CVO, like other cargo-cult organizations, appears to regard

democratic rights as an article of consumption in the political

economy of post-bourgeois society. As such, the fundamental

democratic rights of speech and assembly are regarded as optional

- as dispensable - as being _undeserving of mention_ in a series

of articles supposedly focused on the "transition to socialism".

A serious approach to revolutionary theory will make clear that

the opposite is true. Democratic rights are more than an

_article of consumption_ in future society - they are fundamental

_means of production_ that make everything else (in particular

the security and stability of working class rule) possible.

Only by making use of democratic rights can the working class

prevent the degeneration of its state. Hence democratic rights

are not simply a goal of workers' rule -- they are the essential

weapon necessary to defend workers' rule. Without democratic

rights the workers' state is living on borrowed time.

Lenin was _acutely_ aware of this.

The CVO article, however, falsely claims that Lenin never

discussed the possibility of the ruling party/state degenerating:

> Lenin never dealt with the issue of the degeneration

> of the regime and the loss of its character as a

> revolutionary representative of the masses. The

> regime might be overthrown, but he assumed that

> if it could hold power, that it could maintain its

> status as the voice of the masses. [3]

The truth is the exact opposite. Two months before his stroke in

1922, in his last major address to the party, Lenin warned the

11th Party Congress that "the real and main danger" was that

everything might degenerate along bourgeois lines [4].

What is the significance of this?

The significance of this is simply that it removes much of the

mystery concerning what happened and why. Degeneration was the

"normal" course of events which could only be successfully

opposed with assistance from _outside_ the apparatus (ie: with

assistance from the independent actions of the masses). But this

requires that the masses have the fundamental rights of

independent speech and organization.

If we want activists to have confidence that a world without

imperialism (ie: bourgeois rule) is possible -- we must make

clear that there are achievable material conditions in which such

a world will not be hanging by a thread -- but rather will be

secure. These material conditions include a society where

democratic rights are used on a daily basis to mobilize mass

opposition to the inevitable incompetence, hypocrisy and

corruption that will emerge even within the people and principles

which guide their own state.

The exercize of these rights, by the masses, to secure their

victory -- must be as easy as breathing -- because these actions

are the breath of society -- bringing needed oxygen (ie:

transparency) to every corner in which bacteria begin to gather.

Lenin's 1917 revolution was suffocated due to a lack of oxygen.

This is why it died, as Lenin knew was the real and main danger,

with a whimper rather than a bang.

We cannot build our movement around the goal of a world in which

society -- and everything which we have fought and sacrificed for

-- is in danger of suffocation -- in which everything is hanging

by a thread. Our goal must be victory.

-------------------------------------------------

We cannot ask the working class to sacrifice

for this struggle if we cannot hold up the light

of theory and illuminate the path to victory.

-------------------------------------------------

This is why it cannot be the period of martial law (ie: the rule

of a single organization with the power to suppress its

opposition) which might conclude a possible civil war -- but the

period _after_ in which the working class makes daily use of the

fundamental democratic rights of speech and organization to

defend its role as master of society -- which we must recognize

as workers' rule (or, if you will, the dictatorship of the

proletariat).

Unfortunately the CVO articles are "sealed off". There are few,

if any, ways that correct criticism of these articles can be

brought to the attention of readers of the CVO journal. (Of

course anyone can write to Joseph and submit a criticism to this

corrupt gatekeeper - but such criticism is unlikely to see the

light of day.)

* * * * * *

I am not sure, Edward, what any of this means to you.

One of your concerns, as I understand it [5], is that you want

more activists to come to SAIC's local meetings and participate

in its activity. This appears to be one way to measure the

success of our work and gauge our potential to influence the

antiwar movement in an anti-imperialist direction. I share your

concern. I can't guarantee that the path I advocate will

address this concern in the short run. But I believe that this

path will help us to connect with serious activists nationwide

because:

1. We can make systematic efforts to make ourselves known to

them.

2. We can learn how to answer their questions and address their

concerns (even if we cannot prove by any kind of spectacular

local success that we understand how to build the antiwar

movement).

3. We can build an open community of activists where the two

diseases which most cripple the antiwar movement (ie: reformism

and sectarianism) can be successfully fought.

* * * * * *

On the other hand, if we don't do the right things -- then not

only will we fail to build the movement -- but our own ability to

take action will tend to be undermined -- as we are eventually

overwhelmed by demoralization, cynicism, apoliticism and

passivity.

* * * * * *

The path I advocate (which I will call the path of information

war) is not something with which any of us have a lot of

experience. As we work on this path we will stumble many times.

We will make many mistakes. We will get a lot of things wrong.

This is inevitable when you are trying something which is new.

But we can learn from all of our mistakes.

Yes -- if we use public forums or email lists to discuss and

debate among ourselves -- we will sometimes look like fools. Big

deal. We will look like fools because sometimes we _are_

foolish. We will look ignorant because sometimes we _are_

ignorant. But this is also the fastest (and ultimately the least

painful) route to _overcoming_ our ignorance and foolishness. I

therefore assert that it is ignorant and foolish to avoid this

path.

* * * * * *

The "tried and true" methods which the CVO comrades advocate

represent a path that is well-travelled. It is easier to go on

this path -- because all the methods and techniques are

well-established and debugged -- the pitfalls have been learned

in decades of experience. But this path is also limited in terms

of what it can do. The result of this path tends to be sterile

organization which is largely closed off to the life of the

movement.

Leaflets which give an anti-imperialist analysis of the news and

expose the treachery of the reformist trends -- are certainly

necessary -- but they are not enough. We must harness the power

of the emerging revolution in communications to take our message

far and wide and build open communities. We must _integrate_ our

message -- and our analysis of current events -- with a clear

vision of our goal (which means we must have enough respect for

theory to develop tools that will allow us to think about and

talk about our goal).

Until we take these steps -- until we forge this new path -- then

as long as the movement is at its current level -- nothing is

going to change.

Sincerely and revolutionary regards,

Ben Seattle

http://struggle.net/ben

May 1, 2006

Isolated from one another we are easily defeated.

Connected to one another no force on earth can stop us

http://MediaWeapon.com

Below:

* Notes for article

* Additional background for readers

* Further reading

* Follow-ups

* A note to Indymedia readers who want a response from me

------------------------------------------------------------

Notes for article:

------------------------------------------------------------

[1] The majority of the supporters of the Seattle

Anti-Imperialist Committee (SAIC) are also supporters

of the Communist Voice Organization (CVO).

The SAIC website is: http://SeattleAIC.org

The CVO website is: http://CommunistVoice.org

My criticisms of SAIC (including this letter) are

online at: http://struggle.net/mass-democracy

[2] The Media Weapon community currently makes use of

the pof-200 and pof-300 discussion lists and a wiki.

[3] See the 2nd to last paragraph in "State capitalism, Leninism

and the transition to socialism (part 3)" at

http://home.flash.net/~comvoice/14cStateCapitalism.html

[4] Political Report of the Central Committee

of the RCP(B), March 27, 1922 (pages 286 - 287)

http://www.marx2mao.com/Lenin/EC22.html

[5] This paragraph was modified as a result of email exchange

between Edward and me. The original version can be seen

at: http://struggle.net/Ben/2006/506-ben-2.htm

The entire exchange can be found in the "follow-up"

section for my "Road to Information War" article at:

http://struggle.net/mass-democracy

------------------------------------------------------------

Additional background for readers:

------------------------------------------------------------

Lenin was incapacited by a series of strokes beginning in May

1922 and his political life ended completely ten months later.

Two months before his stroke, however, in his last major address

to the party, Lenin warned the 11th Party Congress that "the real

and main danger" was that the ruling party/state might

degenerate. Lenin quoted an article written by one of the

enemies of the revolution, named Ustryalov, who asserted that the

degeneration of the Soviet State into an "ordinary bourgeois

morass with communist flags inscribed with catchwords stuck all

over the place" was merely a matter of time and "evolution".

Lenin warned that:

"We must say frankly that the things


Ustryalov speaks about are possible.


History knows all sorts of metamorphoses.


... This is the real and main danger"

Readers may want to know why, if Lenin understood the need for

democratic rights (and the danger that the lack of such rights

posed to revolutionary society) he considered it necessary to

suppress these rights (even within the party) in the period

following the end of the civil war.

Lenin's argument was that this suppression of democratic rights

was necessary becasue otherwise, in the extreme conditions of the

time (ie: a shattered economy, famine -- and a majority peasant

population that greatly resented the emergency measures such as

the confiscation of surplus grain) the bourgeoisie and landlords

(who had just recently been defeated in the civil war) would have

been able, within a matter of months, to press for elections,

remove the Bolsheviks from power and replace the Bolsheviks with

opportunist political trends which would have (1) made all kinds

of fraudulent promises in order to get elected - and then (2)

surrendered power to the bourgeoise and landlords.

Lenin argued that before essential democratic rights could be

reestablished - the shattered economy (which had been destroyed

in the civil war) must be restored in order to lessen the

dissatisfaction of the peasant majority of the population. Lenin

estimated that it might take 10 years (or even 20 years) before

the shattered economy could be restored. Unfortunately, in the

absence of the organized mass struggles against corruption (that

were not possible in the absence of democratic rights) the ruling

party/state was unable, during this lengthy period, to maintain

its character as a revolutionary representative of the masses.

It was bad enough, of course, that Lenin's 1917 revolution was

suffocated. The internal suffocation of this revolution shaped

all the key events in the rest of the 20th century. But what

would be worse - would be if we failed to recognize the need to

clarify our theory - the need to toss in the trash the so-called

"marxist-leninist" principle (established by the exploiting class

that took control of Soviet society) that identifies workers rule

with the rule of a merged party/state that suppresses its

opponents. We must recognize -- in theory -- and in thousands of

articles which must be written and posted to every corner of the

internet - that workers' rule corresponds to the period (1) after

bourgeois rule is decisively broken and (2) during which the

working class makes daily use of the fundamental democratic

rights of speech and organization to defend its role as master of

society.

------------------------------------------------------------

Further reading:

------------------------------------------------------------

Lenin's attitude toward these questions in revealed in many of

his writings in 1921 including his speeches at the 10th Congress,

his famous article "The Tax in Kind" and in various less

well-knows works such as "Letter To Myasnikov"

Related work by Ben Seattle:

Seventeen Theses on the Destiny of the Revolution in

communications and the Concept of Workers' Rule

"The concept of workers' rule is central

to the development of a progressive movement

which is conscious and organized. The power

of this concept to clarify our tasks is fully

equivalent to the power of Darwin's theory

of evolution to understanding biology or

the theory of plate tectonics to understanding

geology. Without this concept, we are reduced

to feeling our way forward (and sometimes

backward) in the dark. With this concept --

the lights are on."

-- Thesis # 3 -- http://struggle.net/17

Politics, Economics and the Mass Media

when the working class runs the show

http://struggle.net/ALDS/essay_153_content.htm

This short essay gives a good overview of a number

of key questions and also serves as a quick

introduction the principle of the "separation of

speech and property" which will be used by future

workers' states to draw the line between commercial

media (which will be regulated by the state) and

non-commercial media (which will be unregulated).

------------------------------------------------------------

Follow-ups:

------------------------------------------------------------

Frank, a supporter of SAIC and CVO, has written a 2200 word

reply to the first two points of my 3 point program for SAIC.

Frank's reply is posted in the "follow-up" section for my

"Road to Information War" article at:

http://struggle.net/mass-democracy

------------------------------------------------------------

A note to Indymedia readers who want a response from me:

------------------------------------------------------------

If I just post this article to a few Indymedia newswires

without taking the time to follow up and reply to comments

-- then many readers may regard this post as a form of

political spam.

On the other hand -- it usually takes me a week or ten days

to create thoughtful responses to comments, questions and

criticism that I receive. And this newswire post will be

old and in the archives (and without an audience) by then.

So -- I have created a web-based forum on

the page where this article is posted at:

http://struggle.net/ben/2006/501-to-edward.htm

You can post your thoughtful comments, questions and

criticisms to that page -- and I will reply (if you

indicate that you would like me to) within ten days.

Postings will not be screened prior to becoming public

(ie: what you post will immediately become public just

like here on Indymedia) however I will delete posts

which are (a) racist or (2) lack political content

and consist of personal insults. This gives you the

right to make your views known immediately and to

challenge anything I say that you believe to be

bullshit -- while also maintaining a signal-to-noise

ratio that makes discussion useful for serious activists.

This also gives you the opportunity to see comments

from readers in other parts of the country. And

the forum gives you the ability (if you want to)

to pass your email address to me (in a way that is

not visible to spammers) so that I can contact you

when I have had time to respond.

Many readers like what I write -- and many others

believe what I write is total garbage. Whether you

love or hate my work -- I am interested in your

thoughtful comments -- and I will respond.

Sincerely,

Ben Seattle -- May 14, 2006

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