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by duko
Wednesday, Mar. 23, 2005 at 6:48 PM
darbycrash1965@yahoo.com
QUESTION : I was just wondering if you could speak a little bit to how--while
not throwing out democratic centralism or something like that--how do you have the party in the mix
of all of these ideas? You went to China and you talked to these people around how China was
opening up to the West and saying Marcos was a great leader and this, that and the other, and you
were asking these people in the Chinese party and they didn't have the answers. And part of it is:
did those people not have the answers, or did they have some questions on it, but they were more
debating it internally and they couldn't talk to you about it? How can you have the mix of people
being able to be in the midst of all the questions that are going on, intellectually--political questions,
but also in the ideological realm--without breaking democratic centralism? How do you have people
in the mix of that, being able to engage it and even in some ways go off in the wrong direction in
order to eventually get to the right direction, but then not have that cause a splintering effect. You
know?
Editor's Note: The following is an excerpt from the question and answer
session following a recent talk by Bob Avakian, Chairman of the Revolutionary Communist Party.
This talk was given to a group of supporters of the RCP who are studying the historical experience
of socialism and the dictatorship of the proletariat, and preparing to take up the challenge of
popularizing this experience and engaging in discussion and debate with others about it, particularly
on campuses but also more broadly.
This excerpt has been slightly edited for publication in the RW. The
complete text of Bob Avakian's talk "DICTATORSHIP
AND DEMOCRACY, AND THE SOCIALIST TRANSITION TO COMMUNISM" and the
complete Question
and Answer session is online at rwor.org.
QUESTION : I was just wondering if you could speak a little bit to how--while
not throwing out democratic centralism or something like that--how do you have the party in the mix
of all of these ideas? You went to China and you talked to these people around how China was
opening up to the West and saying Marcos was a great leader and this, that and the other, and you
were asking these people in the Chinese party and they didn't have the answers. And part of it is:
did those people not have the answers, or did they have some questions on it, but they were more
debating it internally and they couldn't talk to you about it? How can you have the mix of people
being able to be in the midst of all the questions that are going on, intellectually--political questions,
but also in the ideological realm--without breaking democratic centralism? How do you have people
in the mix of that, being able to engage it and even in some ways go off in the wrong direction in
order to eventually get to the right direction, but then not have that cause a splintering effect. You
know?
BA: Yes, I do. As far as the specifics about China, I think it was some of both. I think
that the people we were talking to were not in a position to just respond, because they would have
been violating the principles of the party, the principles of democratic centralism; but they could
have taken it up higher and come back and at least given us an answer, even if it were a restatement
of official policy. They did give us a sort of general rap, but it was very general and frankly
meaningless in that context. There was a question of democratic centralism inside the party, which
we did recognize. But somewhere, on some level, somebody should have been able to engage the
things we were raising and to give a reply to them. And that didn't happen.
But the more general point is--look, this is one of the big problems of socialism. You're living in this
fucking world of imperialists, and everything you do is used by the enemy. They pour over everything you say to look
for vulnerabilities. And this makes it difficult to openly discuss a lot of things, in socialist society. To be honest, the
decision to do the "opening to the West" was probably made by a tiny handful of people. It was not made
through the process of having discussion among the masses broadly. And the reason for that is not because Mao, for
example, didn't believe in that process. But this involves a lot of "state secrets." If you are worried about
the Soviets attacking--let's get down on the ground here--if you're worried about the Soviets attacking you at any
moment, and you let it be known that you're starting to negotiate with the U.S. to try to counterbalance that, maybe you
would precipitate a Soviet attack quicker, before you can get anywhere with that, with those discussions and
negotiations.
You're operating under a lot of constraints there. This was a very real threat, and to precipitate an attack before
they felt they were as prepared as they could be, would be a bad idea. On the other hand, the result of that is that this is
a very restricted group of people that's discussing and debating and struggling over this--and falling out over it, frankly.
The split in the Chinese leadership with Lin Biao had a lot to do with this. And his line wasn't any good either--it was
sort of a pro-Soviet line in that context. Not that he thought the Soviet Union was so great, but that the way to deal with
the Soviet Union was more to move in its direction rather than to "provoke" it. So this is the problem: Here
you have a society that you want to be run by the masses of people, and yet one of the biggest decisions that's made is
not made by the masses of people, it's made by a tiny handful--because of the reasons that I've talked about, and not
because you had leaders who didn't want the masses involved in this discussion. If they had had the freedom to do so, I
can guarantee you that, given his overall approach to things, Mao would have had massive discussions for a few years
before they resolved the question. But, in the real world, they might have been attacked in the meantime.
So that's the problem you're dealing with, that's one level of what you're raising, one level of contradiction. It's a
really knotty problem. It's a really vexing problem, and you could stay up late at night--I myself have agonized over
this for 30 years, without exaggeration. [ laughter ] And I still am not at ease with it. It's easy to see some
mistakes were made, that's not what I mean. But I'm not at ease about how you correctly handle this, because there's
not an easy answer to it. I literally have been thinking about this and agonizing over it for 30 years, and I still don't feel
that I'm that much closer to knowing the answer to it. To the degree they could, over every question and issue they
could, under Mao's leadership they would involve the masses very broadly in these things. But there were some
spheres where they did not, where they had not yet wrenched the freedom to do this. When we get down to the point
where it's a question of how to finish off the few remaining enclaves of the imperialists in the world, we can probably
afford a lot of debate about it. But we're a long way from that point, and it's very difficult at this stage, when you're
fighting uphill all the time. And it's remarkable the things that were achieved under those circumstances, but we still
have to do better. And you can't just say: "Well, what do you expect? That was the necessity, so that's all that
could happen."
But it's not an easy answer. Not only have I agonized over this for 30 years, but other people have agonized over
it, and we don't have an answer, a satisfactory answer yet. So we have to keep working on this problem. But it's a
reflection of the fact that you are still where you are in the process. And, as I said, the masses being the masters of
socialist society is relative and not absolute. This is one of the sharpest expressions of it. This is a case where
representatives who hopefully act in the interests of the masses are, in their very small circles, debating and deciding
this--and then taking it down through the ranks of the party and the army, and in some form among the broader masses.
So that's one point.
The other point has to do with this orientation about "a solid core with
a lot of elasticity" and about being able to determine and distinguish
those things around which you do really have to be very firm and pay very close
attention, and those things around which you don't have to and shouldn't do
that. Even within the life of the party, this is something that needs to be
applied--even in the political and ideological life of the party (I mean, there's
life of the party in another sense, but we're not talking about that right now).
[ laughter ] But in the ideological and political life of the party,
you have to be able to make those distinctions. If you want ferment among those
you are leading and influencing, or in the society as a whole if you're leading
it, you can't have no ferment inside your leading core, your vanguard. So what
can you have it over, and what can't you? In the midst of trying to deal with
all the contradictions of socialist society, are we going to have the party
undecided about whether we should have socialism and the dictatorship of the
proletariat? I don't think so! If that were the case, we wouldn't be able to
do anything.
On the other hand, what does it mean to apply these principles in the sphere of art, or of health service, or the
scientific sphere? We might be able to have a lot of ferment and debate--including in the party--over things like
that.
But this will put tremendous strains on things, and particularly on the leading core, at times. In feudal society one
of the ways they executed people was by drawing and quartering them, with horses pulling people in different
directions and their bodies just flying apart. Well, you know, if you're in a position of trying to lead a process of the
kind I'm talking about, you can feel sometimes like you might be drawn and quartered. Maintaining that solid core,
while allowing and encouraging and fostering a lot of ferment, and wrangling and struggle--a lot of the elasticity--
means that it's extremely difficult to keep that core together while you're doing that. But if you don't do that, if you're
not willing to risk that, then you won't really involve the masses the way you need to--the "you" who is
engaging and deciding these things doesn't expand, even inside the party, let alone more broadly, and you don't get the
richness and diversity out of which much more can be learned.
But this takes work. That's why Mao said that dogmatists are lazybones, because all you have to do is just repeat a
few rote formulas and chant a few slogans, and treat the science like--pervert it into a religion, essentially--and for
awhile you can go along like that, until reality overwhelms you. But to do it the way I'm talking about, and
emphasizing, requires a lot of work and it requires continually grappling with "what is this outlook and
methodology and how do you apply it correctly under now this circumstance and now that circumstance--with three or
four things going on at once." I remember there was this ad with Martina Navratilova a number of years ago--I
don't remember what the product was but I remember the ad--she was sitting there with all these tennis balls flying by
her (or at least they were simulating that), and then at one point she reached up and grabbed one. The point was that
you have to maintain your concentration in that kind of a circumstance--keep your eye on the prize, so to speak--while
you let some things go. And that's what we have to do. A lot of things are flying by you, and you've got a lot of things
going on that are intensely percolating in society--and how do you keep ahold of the core but let a lot of this stuff fly all
around you? That takes a lot of work and struggle and going back and forth between practice and theory and really
knowing the masses of people more and more deeply and bringing them forward more so that you have the basis, when
you go to apply this outlook and methodology, to really do it well. And then you have to learn quickly and well from
your mistakes. And maybe once in a while a ball flies and hits you in the face, and then you have to deal with that.
But if you don't conceive of socialism, and even the life of a vanguard party, in that kind of way, then I don't think
you're really going to be capable of rising to the challenges we're going to confront, and you won't be really involving
the masses, both in the party and more broadly, in coming up with the answers to these questions.
There are elements of what I'm saying here that are drawing from historical experience; and there are elements that
are new, in the sense of trying to take that experience and look at it in a new light and try to figure out what aspects, or
different angles of coming at this, would be correct or should be attempted. And, although we don't have socialist
societies and the dictatorship of the proletariat right now, we do have a party and there are parties in other countries--
we do have a movement, an international movement--and a lot of the same questions, methodologically, pose
themselves now. And the experience we accumulate in handling these things well and the way in which the masses
learn to do this in growing numbers--as Lenin said masses means different things under different circumstances. When
you don't have a revolutionary situation, masses might refer to a few hundred people or a few thousand people in a
given area. When you get a real mass upsurge in society, masses becomes tens, hundreds of thousands, even millions.
When you get a revolutionary situation, it becomes a great part of society that is called into political life. So, when we
talk about "masses" now, we're not talking about millions and millions of people at this point; we're
talking about relatively small numbers, we're talking about thousands of people who can be drawn into these processes.
But that's very important preparation for when millions are called into motion.
So we have some things to learn about this, but I think the principle that it's never good when there's not ferment
also applies to parties. Intellectual ferment, ideological ferment, is part of what we need to keep a party vigorous and
keep it able to really deepen its ties with and bring forward masses without losing its bearings, and without losing its
essential core.
RL: We wish to end on this note.
This article is posted in English and Spanish on Revolutionary Worker
Online http://rwor.org
Write: Box 3486, Merchandise Mart, Chicago, IL 60654
Phone: 773-227-4066 Fax: 773-227-4497
by Meyer London
Wednesday, Mar. 23, 2005 at 8:40 PM
by doctor_jones
Wednesday, Mar. 23, 2005 at 11:46 PM
Given the fact that it is becoming obvious to many people that International Socialism is the living current response to the Germanic statement "today Germany, tomoroow the world,' i belive that we, as International Socialists, should make sure that we remind people of our ties to real stupidity by emphasizing that we, Die Partei, must control all beings, property people and life. After al, our secret operative, george herbert walker bush is in place and ready to rule forever. and he has toprtect the legacy of his father's betrayal of the gullible Amerikanjischers (impure mongrel nation of savages and trash form the refuse of genetic superiority) Americans. We have to emphasize the reality of our existance: if we as International Socialists do not control america, then DEATH TO EVERYONE EVERYWHERE. Aadter all, we aere Nihilists.Dowe care? Nowe don't care. we simply must dominate everyone. they'll get used to it...it's like marrying a rapist, or a demon. You know, us...the International Socialists.) there's not enough of a sense of dread or fear when we appear. We have to mobilize our street operative,the nazi skinheads and the satanic crust punks. Chomsky is a liar but he's a broadbased facile and determined liar.
Wait -- what am I saying? that's GREAT for our causes! we have to remeber that after all, we as Bolsheviks, represent dystentery, malaria and fear, being interrogated to death and also Hitler. We should stop pretending that we are anything but a bunch of internazis.
(Naional Socialists were called nazis in the good old days when we terrorized those stupid plocks and those ugly Deist hebrews. Superstitious poo poo god-Heads! we have to up the intensity on our evil and menacing presence so that people realise that with our emphasis on class division and ongoing -- even permanent revolution, that We're Aryans and we won't stop til everyone.licks our boots and does as we say. After all -- we are the Party. We ave this internet now: its; a perfect time to reveal that we are the internazis and our sortm teh internatoional socialists shal wipe everyone out with thesheer force of our lack of a clue, or failing that, our stench and our collective sttupidity!)
cause when you get right down to it since we all basically follow the Communist manifesto, the opiate of teh intellectual bogger flicking assholerie --
by Sheepdog
Thursday, Mar. 24, 2005 at 12:00 AM
... would be perfect if the public treasury entrusted to the task of financing services were determined by referendum. Not the parasitic hands of greedy wealth accumulation by the super rich, like it is now. I call it neosocialism.
by BA
Thursday, Mar. 24, 2005 at 3:27 AM
There isn't going to be any popularizing of Socialism or Communism. These failed systems have been in the trash bin of history for about 50 years now. They have zero successes and have been tried in quite a few countries.
The best they can do is point to Fidel Castro and Che Guevara - two of the biggest losers in memory.
by Sheepdog
Thursday, Mar. 24, 2005 at 3:33 AM
Let's see... Cuba under a hostile embargo for over40 years and has a lower rate of infant mortality than the US. Oh, and Che had to be cut in half by machine gun fire with the aid of the CIA. Yup, all failures. With a bit of help.
by BA
Thursday, Mar. 24, 2005 at 3:36 AM
The only thing they (Fidel and Che) ever accomplished was the big heist. They stole properties from their rightful owners and they got away with it. From that point on it's been all down hill. They're still driving 1957 Chevy's over there. Fidel has one of the most oppressive dictatorships in memory (well, since Saddam).
by Sheepdog
Thursday, Mar. 24, 2005 at 3:42 AM
Yeah, I bet the loss of the mafia's take from Havanaa got some people pissed off. Whaaaaa!
by more rational
Thursday, Mar. 24, 2005 at 7:59 AM
It's not like they can get newer cars, can they?
by more rational
Thursday, Mar. 24, 2005 at 8:06 AM
Cuba's not that oppressive compared, say, to the Duvalier regime in Haiti. Our allies.
What about Noriega in Panama, or the death squads of El Salvador, or Milosevic, or Idi Amin. These guys were a a whole different level.
The basis of democracy rests on the freedom of speech and thought, and on that count, these folks fail. Even *we* fail, somewhat, directly, and completely, in our foriegn policy.
by KPC
Thursday, Mar. 24, 2005 at 4:30 PM
filcher: "They stole properties from their rightful owners and they got away with it."
...yeah, Myer Lansky and Charlie Luciano....
by Meyer London
Thursday, Mar. 24, 2005 at 5:01 PM
This was the argument made against Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation, the graduated income tax, and the legalization of labor unions.
by Workers Vanguard
Thursday, Mar. 24, 2005 at 8:01 PM
As humorous as the RCP’s adoration of their megalomaniacal leader is, it is not just some quirk, but proof of their rejection of a Marxist program and methods of organization. It flows from the RCP’s rejection of the Marxist understanding that the working class, through whose labor wealth is created, is the only class that has the objective interest and social power to overthrow the capitalist order. Instead, they prattle endlessly about “resistance” by the “people.” For them the main issue is promoting Avakian’s “vision” for the people versus Bush’s. http://www.icl-fi.org/ENGLISH/2005/RCP-844.htm
by Meyer London
Friday, Mar. 25, 2005 at 12:43 AM
Avakian thinks that Stalin is a hero - a pretty good indication of what his "vision" would turn out to be like if by some miracle he actually attained state power somewhere.
by BA
Friday, Mar. 25, 2005 at 12:56 AM
When commenting on Castro's stealing properties from their rightful owners, Meyer says:
"This was the argument made against Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation, the graduated income tax, and the legalization of labor unions."
Very good Meyer - you scored 66.6% on this one. You are correct when you say the graduated income tax and legalization of labor unions are a heist.
by Sheepdog
Friday, Mar. 25, 2005 at 1:02 AM
There shouldn't be any tax on earned income. Only unearned income.
by Sheepdog
Friday, Mar. 25, 2005 at 1:05 AM
Should be progressivly taxed to cap the power of the super rich which I'm CERTAIN BA is not in the catagory of.
by BA
Friday, Mar. 25, 2005 at 1:51 AM
How about Shaq's salary Sheepdog? Is that earned or unearned in your view?
by Sheepdog
Friday, Mar. 25, 2005 at 2:15 AM
Well, if he made the money doing something besides sitting on his ass, I'd say it was earned income for the duration of his short productive career. Also I'd say he'd better invest it into something solid and intrinsicly valuable for the years of living in a worn, stressed body.
by Meyer London
Friday, Mar. 25, 2005 at 4:59 PM
The real scandal is not that athletes like Shaq, Roger Clemens, or Brett Favre make millions of dollars a year for entertaining people, but that billionaire owners actually have enough money to pay them these ridiculous salaries. A country where some people sleep in the streets and others can pay entertainers salaries like this and still successfully demand that cities build them stadiums/sports palaces at taxpayers' expense is a very sick one.
by BA
Saturday, Mar. 26, 2005 at 12:09 PM
The Good: What's good is that those people have the opportunity (in America) to become wealthy (whether a talented sports hero like Roger Clemens or a successful team owner like Drayton McLane
The Bad: What's bad is that the government sucks off a disproportionate share of their earnings. They can't keep their own money.
The Ugly: There are people like Meyer who want the government bloodsuckers to confiscate even more. These people really believe in this income redistribution crap (that's at the heart of failed systems like Socialism and Communism). It's a variation on Robin Hood: "Steal from the rich and make them poor too like us."
by Sheepdog
Saturday, Mar. 26, 2005 at 3:55 PM
Still autolocked in circles. Bush Admirer, you really should keep a journal to know when you're in the place you started when you got lost. We don't enjoy making fun of you so much as it's getting redundant. Try going back to where you started this silly notion and re-read the train of comments until you are back here. That will be fun.
by Sheepdog
Saturday, Mar. 26, 2005 at 4:04 PM
here, this will help.
Socialism...
... would be perfect if the public treasury entrusted to the task of financing services were determined by referendum. Not the parasitic hands of greedy wealth accumulation by the super rich, like it is now. I call it neosocialism.
by Meyer London
Saturday, Mar. 26, 2005 at 4:54 PM
Ah yes, George W. Bush, former owner of the Texas Rangers baseball team, bought for him by his daddy. Now we all know that Bush had a right to own this team, to exert powerful influence over the people of Arlington and Dallas (many of them black and poor), and to demand special priveleges for his sports franchise. He, er, earned these rights. Admittedly, how is earned them is a bit unclear, but the rights of private property must always take precedence over the rights of human beings. Righ, BA?
by BA
Tuesday, Mar. 29, 2005 at 2:31 AM
Think about it Meyer
Perhaps most rich people deserve to be rich because they earned it.
And perhaps most poor people deserve to be poor because they earned it.
Being lazy --> failure
Being industrious --> Success
Being a leftist --> Lazy --> failure--> blaming someone else for one's own lack of ability/motivation/achievement
Moral of the story: A lazy bum deserves to fail, and he gets his just due
by Xek
Tuesday, Mar. 29, 2005 at 2:38 AM
Al Capone is a great example of real wealth and how it is accumulated.
by BA
Tuesday, Mar. 29, 2005 at 3:45 AM
Al Capone actually got his just due. That's what's happening now with Ken Lay and Andrew Fastow. Those folks didn't earn anything -- they stole it.
The guys who earned it have names like Steve Jobs and Yao Ming.
by KPC
Tuesday, Mar. 29, 2005 at 4:29 PM
...da filcher's idea of a hero is a criminal who steals big and doesn't get caught...
by Meyer London
Tuesday, Mar. 29, 2005 at 5:04 PM
Bush Admirer's idea of a hero is an honest crook who finds enough legal loopholes to steal money legally or semi-legally, like the owners of Walmart or the owners of the energy companies that virtually bankrupted California a year or two ago. Or the owners of Haliburton and various other cronies of Bush and Cheney.The only time these clowns actually go to jail is when they steal money from other rich people; the poor and the general population are fair game. Ripping them off is euphamized as the operation of the free market.
by Meyer London
Tuesday, Mar. 29, 2005 at 5:04 PM
Bush Admirer's idea of a hero is an honest crook who finds enough legal loopholes to steal money legally or semi-legally, like the owners of Walmart or the owners of the energy companies that virtually bankrupted California a year or two ago. Or the owners of Haliburton and various other cronies of Bush and Cheney.The only time these clowns actually go to jail is when they steal money from other rich people; the poor and the general population are fair game. Ripping them off is euphamized as the operation of the free market.
by uh..
Tuesday, Mar. 29, 2005 at 7:35 PM
" owners of the energy companies that virtually bankrupted California a year or two ago."
Didn't he just say that Ken Lay et al were a bunch of crooks?
You and the dolt need to read before typing you're usual nonsense. Especially when trying to criticize your betters.
by English Inspector ( Your 'Better' )
Tuesday, Mar. 29, 2005 at 8:09 PM
But at least they know the difference between 'you're' and 'your'.
by Meyer London
Tuesday, Mar. 29, 2005 at 11:40 PM
Kenny boy was only one of many involved, and he was tried because he ripped off his peers (the wealthy) as well as the general population. If he had only done the latter he would not only be walking the streets, but he would be having public libraries and parks named after him for donating a few thousand tax-deductable dollars to disintegrating cities he helped to make worse. This is called the free market system.
by BA
Wednesday, Mar. 30, 2005 at 4:22 AM
There have been some crooks in corporate America. But corporations are by and large good citizens.
It's a shame that organized labor isn't as 'clean' as corporate America. In fact, it's hard to distinguish between the Mafia and the AFL/CIO
The same could be said for Jesse Jackson and his type of shake down organization. They compare poorly to corporate America.
by KPC
Wednesday, Mar. 30, 2005 at 9:42 PM
filcher: "It's a shame that organized labor isn't as 'clean' as corporate America."
...yeah, a shame....
...maybe labor unions ought to employ some of corporate America's tried and true methods...
**********************************
The date April 20, 1914 will forever be a day of infamy for American workers. On that day, 20 innocent men, women and children were killed in the Ludlow Massacre. The coal miners in Colorado and other western states had been trying to join the UMWA for many years. They were bitterly opposed by the coal operators, led by the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company.
Upon striking, the miners and their families had been evicted from their company-owned houses and had set up a tent colony on public property. The massacre occurred in a carefully planned attack on the tent colony by Colorado militiamen, coal company guards, and thugs hired as private detectives and strike breakers. They shot and burned to death 20 people, including a dozen women and small children. Later investigations revealed that kerosine had intentionally been poured on the tents to set them ablaze. The miners had dug foxholes in the tents so the women and children could avoid the bullets that randomly were shot through the tent colony by company thugs. The women and children were found huddled together at the bottoms of their tents.
The Baldwin Felts Detective Agency had been brought in to suppress the Colorado miners. They brought with them an armored car mounted with a machine gun--the Death Special-- that roamed the area spraying bullets. The day of the massacre, the miners were celebrating Greek Easter. At 10:00 AM the militia ringed the camp and began firing into the tents upon a signal from the commander, Lt. Karl E. Lindenfelter. Not one of the perpetrators of the slaughter were ever punished, but scores of miners and their leaders were arrested and black-balled from the coal industry.
by Comandante Ernesto Mendoza
Wednesday, Apr. 13, 2005 at 8:38 PM
movimiento_stalin_vive@hotmail.com
 msv_banner_5.jpg, image/jpeg, 612x190
the new socialist order will only be constructed over the ruins of the capitalist Sodomah. Our glorious Red troops will be like avenging angels bringing death to the oppressors. We will meticulously demolish even the last trace of your rotten society. Over its ruins we will build the Socialist Paradise with millons of cubic meters of Concrete and Steel, the monoblocks and the Walls with radiactive wire will be erected, signalling the arrival of the claseless new society. Doubt is the weapon of our enemies. There is no place for doubt on our new society. All those who question the authority of our Leaders will be inmediatly liquidated.
Join our Movement.....or be liquidated.
HASTA LA VICTORIA FINAL MSV
-sorry for my english, i talk in spanish as i am argentinian, as the fag called Guevara. We post here as we are being SISTEMATICALLY CENSORED by the intolerant fascists who administrate INDYMEDIA ARGENTINA--
:oP
by Impartial Observer
Thursday, Jun. 02, 2005 at 3:33 PM
 model-noche.jpg, image/jpeg, 233x371
This lovely lady has it figured out!
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