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The True History of Corporate Control In America

by Elysian Wednesday, Jan. 31, 2001 at 2:40 PM

"The first truth is that the liberty of a democracy is not safe if the people tolerate the growth of private power to a point where it becomes stronger than their democratic state itself. That, in essence, is fascism - ownership of government by an individual, by a group, or by any other controlling power. "Among us today a concentration of private power without equal in history is growing." Franklin Delano Roosevelt

Excerpts from The Elkhorn Manifesto:

http://www.shorejournal.com/elkhorn/

An Open Letter to All Americans

By R. William Davis

As mentioned earlier, the secret U.S./Nazi corporate alliance during World War II was the result of substantial American investment in post-World War I Germany. In order to protect these investments, and the accumulating profits, the U.S. multinational corporations remained an important part of the Nazi war machine until the final defeat of Germany in 1945. What effect did the end of World War II have on this faction of American Nazi collaborators?

In this section we will review the evidence, much of it from recently de-classified documents, that this pro-Nazi faction, rather than facing charges of high treason, became an integral part of the United States national security apparatus, extending its fascist influence in both foreign and domestic policies and, in effect, creating what has been referred to as America's "Invisible Government." The excuse, of course, was Communism.

Over the past fifty years, it is now documented, these Americanized fugitive Nazi war criminals have been involved in, and in many cases in charge of, many U.S. government covert operations -- international weapons smuggling, drug cartels, Central American death squads, right wing anti-communist dictatorships, LSD mind control experiments -- the Republican National Committee's Ethnic Heritage Councils, and the Presidential campaigns of Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, and George Bush.

By "ruinous overproduction," of course, they meant free-market competition. So, to question the existence of an industrial conspiracy against competition, during the 1930s and 1940s, is pointless. It has long been totally documented by volumes of evidence, available in the public record. And among this list of convicted corporate conspirators are murderers, racists, pro-Nazi collaborators, blackmailers and American Fascists who plotted at least one armed take-over of the U.S. government. And the list is not yet complete.

Henry Ford, writes Higham, "admired Hitler from the beginning, when the future Fuhrer was a struggling and obscure fanatic. He shared with Hitler a fanatical hatred of Jews."

"Ford's book 'The International Jew' was issued in 1927. A virulent anti-Semitic tract, it was still being distributed in Latin America and the Arab countries as late as 1945. Hitler admired the book and it influenced him deeply. Visitors to Hitler's headquarters at the Brown House in Munich noticed a large photograph of Henry Ford hanging in his office. Stacked high on the table outside were copies of Ford's book. As early as 1923," when Hitler heard that Ford was planning to run for President, he "told an interviewer from the 'Chicago-Tribune,' 'I wish that I could send some of my shock troops to Chicago and other big American cities to help'."



As we have seen, the American industrialists who did business with the Nazis were in no way inconvenienced by war crimes trials, and even received compensation for damages to their Nazi war plants. Some Nazi industrialists were charged and convicted by the Nuremberg war crimes trials but, in their book, "The American Establishment," authors Leonard and Mark Silk observe that in the late 1940s "the United States and its leaders faced an agonizing moral problem in coming to terms with those German industrialists who had willingly done business with the Nazis and who were now just as willing to do business with the Americans in the reconstruction of Germany. The problem was dramatized when those German industrialists who had been convicted of war crimes at Nuremberg were all released from Landsberg prison in early 1951, their sentences commuted by the American High Commissioner [of German Occupation], John J. McCloy.

". . . . Whatever the motivation," the authors continue, "the blanket release of the convicted industrialists was taken within Germany - and by them - as a sign that businessmen were not to be seriously blamed for their involvement in matters for which others were hanged or suffered long imprisonment."



http://www.shorejournal.com/elkhorn/










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