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Homelessness in the United States

by Coalition on Homelessness, San Francisco Sunday, Aug. 06, 2000 at 9:54 PM
coh@sfo.com 415/346.3740 468 Turk St.

Homelessness in the United States An Overview

Homelessness in the United States:

An Overview

Widespread homelessness is a relatively recent phenomenon. It is rooted in federal policy changes in the 1980s, and it persists today as result of continued misguided federal policy choices.

Homelessness grew significantly throughout the 1980s and 1990s:

o The U.S. Conference of Mayors has reported an increase in homelessness in 26-30 American cities each year since 1985 (U.S. Conference of

Mayors, 1999).

o Many communities doubled or tripled their shelter capacity in the 1980s and early 90s to respond to increasing homelessness: in Boston, shelter capacity increased by 246% between 1983 and 1995, increasing from 972 to 3,362 beds; in Los Angeles, shelter capacity more than tripled between 1986 and 1996, increasing from 3,495 to 10,800 beds; and in the state of Minnesota, the number of persons in homeless shelters on one night more than quadrupled between 1985 and 1997 (National Coalition for the Homeless, 1997).

A declining supply of affordable housing, and the limited scale of housing assistance programs, are the most significant underlying causes of homelessness in the United States.

o Between 1973 and 1993, 2.2 million low-rent housing units disappeared from the market. These units were either abandoned, converted into condominiums or expensive apartments, or became unaffordable because of cost increases (Daskal, 1998).

o A housing trend with a particularly severe impact on homelessness is the loss of single room occupancy (SRO) housing. In the past, SRO housing served to house many poor individuals, including poor persons

suffering from mental illness or substance abuse. From 1970 to the mid-1980s, an estimated one million SRO units were demolished (Dolbeare, 1996).

o The demolition of SRO housing was most notable in large cities: between 1970-1982, New York City lost 87% of its $200 per month or less SRO stock; Chicago experienced the total elimination of cubicle hotels; and by 1985, Los Angeles had lost more than half of its downtown SRO housing (Koegel, et al, 1996). From 1975 to 1988, San Francisco lost 43% of its stock of low-cost residential hotels; from 1970 to 1986, Portland, Oregon lost 59% of its residential hotels; and from 1971 to 1981, Denver lost 64% of its SRO hotels. (Wright and Rubin, 1997).

























































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