(this article about the previous round of inspections show that the US manipulated inspections to suite its own ends and however much Hussein cooperated, they kept moving the goal posts making the whole process futile. With Hans Blix, the current chief inspector, supporting the US resolution, I wouldn't discount a replay of this travesty. It's clear, contrary to what many liberals are arguing, that inspections can just as easily be used as a pretext for war rather than as an alternative to it.) Is there a way to ensure that they are not used that way?
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Iraq And Arms Inspectors: The big Lie
Part one
ZNet
Introduction
To read the 34 short pages (pp.20-54) at the heart of former chief UN
arms inspector Scott Ritter's book, War On Iraq (Ritter and William
Rivers Pitt, Profile Books, 2002), is to understand the utter
fraudulence and staggering immorality of the proposed war on Iraq. In
these pages, Ritter describes exactly how and why Iraq has been
"fundamentally disarmed", with 90-95% of its weapons of mass
destruction eliminated. Of nuclear weapons capability, for example,
Ritter says:
"When I left Iraq in 1998... the infrastructure and facilities had
been 100% eliminated. There's no doubt about that. All of their
instruments and facilities had been destroyed. The weapons design
facility had been destroyed. The production equipment had been hunted
down and destroyed. And we had in place means to monitor - both from
vehicles and from the air - the gamma rays that accompany attempts to
enrich uranium or plutonium. We never found anything." (p.26)
Ritter explains how UN arms inspectors (Unscom) roamed the country
monitoring Iraq's chemical, biological and nuclear facilities,
installing sensitive sniffers and cameras and performing no-notice
inspections:
"We blanketed Iraq - every research and development facility, every
university, every school, every hospital, every beer factory..."
(p.38)
Are we seriously to believe that a country that permitted such
thorough, intrusive and effective inspections leading to 90-95%
disarmament just four years ago, is suddenly hell-bent on secretly
developing weapons of mass destruction now? How could this be when,
as Ritter says, such efforts would be easily detectable by modern
technology? Thus on the reconstruction of Iraq's chemical weapons
capability, Ritter says:
"If no one were watching, Iraq could do this. But just as with the
nuclear weapons programme, they'd have to start from scratch, having
been deprived of all equipment, facilities and research. They'd have
to procure the complicated tools and technology required through
front companies. This would be detected. The manufacture of chemical
weapons emits vented gases that would have been detected by now if
they existed. We've been watching, via satellite and other means, and
have seen none of this. If Iraq was producing weapons today, we'd
have definitive proof, plain and simple." (p.32-3)
Relying on public ignorance of the true extent of Iraqi cooperation
with arms inspectors, and the true extent to which inspectors were
successful in disarming Iraq, warmongers argue that Iraq must have
something to hide because it "kicked out" the inspectors in 1998 and
has since refused to permit their return. This is a crucial lie,
which, as we will see in the two-part Media Alert that follows, the
media has played a central role in protecting.
Unscom arms inspectors were withdrawn in December 1998 at a sensitive
time in US politics, as Bill Clinton faced impeachment over the
Monica Lewinsky affair. Clinton launched a 4-day series of strikes,
Operation Desert Fox, the day before his impeachment referendum was
scheduled, and called them off two hours after the vote. Ritter notes
that just prior to the strikes, "Inspectors were sent in to carry out
sensitive inspections that had nothing to do with disarmament but had
everything to do with provoking the Iraqis." (p.52)
In a report published on the second day of bombing, Ritter was quoted
as saying:
"What [head of Unscom] Richard Butler did last week with the
inspections was a set-up. This was designed to generate a conflict
that would justify a bombing." Ritter said US government sources had
told him three weeks earlier that "the two considerations on the
horizon were Ramadan and impeachment". Ritter continued:
"If you dig around, you'll find out why Richard Butler yesterday ran
to the phone four times. He was talking to his [US] National Security
adviser. They were telling him to sharpen the language in his report
to justify the bombing." (Quoted, New York Post, 17 December, 1998)
Arguing that Butler deliberately wrote a justification for war, a UN
diplomat, described as "generally sympathetic to Washington", said:
"Based on the same facts he [Butler] could have said, There were
something like 300 inspections [in recent weeks] and we encountered
difficulties in five.'" (Washington Post, 17 December 1998)
Around this time it emerged that CIA spies operating with arms
inspectors had used information gathered to target Iraq during Desert
Fox. The role of the CIA in corrupting the arms inspection regime was
one of the main reasons for Ritter's resignation in 1998.
The basic conclusions are clear: Iraq cooperated in the "fundamental
disarmament" of 90-95% of its weapons of mass destruction. The United
States nevertheless manufactured a conflict for cynical reasons in
December 1998. Inspectors were then not kicked out, as claimed, but
were withdrawn by Butler to protect them from bombing. The Iraqis
subsequently refused to allow arms inspectors - accurately described
by them as "spies" who had participated in the bombing of their
country - to return.
Readers might like to compare the above account with the versions
presented by the US/UK governments. George W. Bush said of Iraq in
his State of the Union Address:
"This is a regime that agreed to international inspections - then
kicked out the inspectors." (George W. Bush, State of the Union
Address, January 29, 2002)
Tony Blair, naturally, has followed the Bush line:
"Before he [Saddam Hussein] kicked out the UN weapons inspectors
three years ago, they had discovered and destroyed thousands of
chemical and biological weapons.... As they got closer, they were
told to get out of Iraq." (Blair, leader, 'The West's Tough Strategy
On Iraq Is In Everyone's Interests,' The Express, March 6, 2002)
Note the deceptiveness of the phrase, "As they got closer". In fact
inspectors were not getting uncomfortably close to hidden horrors, as
Blair implies; they were 5% short of 100% disarmament. We spend our
time well when we recall Ritter's version, and then reflect on the
brazen mendacity of our 'elected' leaders.
The Media and The Strange Case of the Vanishing Spooks
Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR) recently produced a
remarkable piece titled: 'What a difference 4 years makes: News
coverage of why the inspectors left Iraq'. (www.fair.org) The piece
consists of ten paired examples of mainstream media quotes from 1998
and 2002, covering the withdrawal of weapons inspectors from Iraq.
Without fail, the quotes from 1998 report that inspectors were
withdrawn, while the quotes from 2002 assert that they were "thrown
out", or otherwise forcibly expelled. This pair of quotes was taken
from the Washington Post:
"Butler ordered his inspectors to evacuate Baghdad, in anticipation
of a military attack, on Tuesday night - at a time when most members
of the Security Council had yet to receive his report." (Washington
Post, 12/18/98)
"Since 1998, when U.N. inspectors were expelled, Iraq has almost
certainly been working to build more chemical and biological
weapons." (Washington Post editorial, 8/4/02)
We thought it would be interesting to conduct a similar investigation
of the UK press. Consider the following quotes from The Guardian, all
from last month:
"The inspectors left Baghdad in December 1998, amid Iraqi allegations
that some inspectors were spying for the United States and
countercharges that Iraq was not cooperating with the teams." (Mark
Oliver, 'UN split over Iraqi arms offer', September 17, 2002)
And:
"Unlike previous inspectors, who were seconded to the UN by
governments, the Unmovic staff are employed directly by the UN - a
move intended to address Iraqi complaints that the earlier
inspections were used as a cover for spying." (Brian Whitaker and
David Teather, 'Weapons checks face tough hurdles', The Guardian,
September 18, 2002)
And again:
"For its part Iraq claimed Unscom was full of spies." (Simon Jeffery,
'What are weapons inspection teams?', The Guardian, September 18,
2002)
What is so remarkable about these references to "Iraqi allegations",
"complaints" and "claims", is that they directly contradict The
Guardian's own reporting of events just three years earlier. Consider
this March 1999 report by Julian Borger:
"American espionage in Iraq, under cover of United Nations weapons
inspections, went far beyond the search for banned arms and was
carried out without the knowledge of the UN leadership, it was
reported yesterday. An investigation by the Washington Post found
that CIA engineers working as UN technicians installed antennae in
equipment belonging to the UN Special Commission (Unscom) to
eavesdrop on the Iraqi military." (Julian Borger, 'UN "kept in dark"
about US spying in Iraq', The Guardian, March 3, 1999)
Note that this was not an "Iraqi allegation", it was an allegation
made by a leading national US newspaper, the Washington Post. Earlier
that year, The Guardian had reported another non-Iraqi source:
"United Nations arms inspectors in Iraq had secret
intelligence-sharing deals not only with the United States but with
four other countries, a former inspector said yesterday. Britain is
likely to have been one of the four.
"Scott Ritter, a former American member of the Unscom weapons
inspection team, said the UN body agreed to provide the five
countries with information it collected in return for intelligence
from their sources. His claims will fuel the controversy surrounding
Unscom's activities, with US officials admitting it was infiltrated
by American spies." (Richard Norton-Taylor, 'Arms inspectors "shared
Iraq data with five states"', The Guardian, January 8, 1999)
Again, this was a US and UN claim backed up by US officials
"admitting it [Unscom] was infiltrated by American spies."
Even more disturbing is the performance of individual reporters. In
January 1999, The Guardian's Ian Black co-authored a piece, stating:
"International disarray over Iraq deepened last night after United
States officials acknowledged that American spies participated in the
work of United Nations weapons inspectors tracking down Baghdad's
weapons of mass destruction... [T]he admission that US intelligence
agencies provided information and technology to the UN Special
Commission, Unscom, confirmed long-standing suspicions in Baghdad and
appeared to knock another nail into Unscom's coffin." (Mark Tran and
Ian Black, 'UN spies scandal grows, American officials admit Iraqi
data aided air strikes', The Guardian, January 8, 1999)
Five months later, Black reported merely that Unscom had been
"discredited by allegations of US spying." (Black, The Guardian, June
17, 1999) In fact, of course, Unscom had been discredited by
admissions of US spying. Acknowledgement and admission had already
become allegation. Three years later they have become "Iraqi
allegations".
Three years after their January 1999 piece, Black's co-author, Mark
Tran, also made reference to the spying issue:
"Iraq itself has stoked war fever. By rejecting a return of UN
weapons inspectors to Iraq and calling them "western spies" for extra
measure, Baghdad seems to be almost daring Mr Bush to attack." (Tran,
'Greasing the wheels of warfare', The Guardian, March 12, 2002)
Tran appears to suggest that there was something provocative about
Iraq describing UN weapons inspectors as "spies", despite having
himself described them as "spies" in 1999. Again there is no
acknowledgment of UN/US admissions of spying.
Julian Borger was lead author of an article in March 2002 that
reported Iraqi claims of spying:
"Iraq's vice-president, Taha Yassin Ramadan, last night said his
country would not allow UN weapons inspectors to return.
"'Iraq's rejection of the teams of spies to return back to Iraq is
firm and won't change,' Mr Ramadan was quoted as saying by the
official Iraqi News Agency INA. 'Iraq is fully convinced that there
is no need for them to return. They had carried out vicious spying
activities in Iraq for more than eight years.'" (Julian Borger and
Richard Norton-Taylor, 'Bush in new warning to Iraq,' The Guardian,
March 11, 2002)
Given Borger's own report on the Washington Post's revelations three
years earlier, his and Norton-Taylor's response to these allegations
is truly remarkable:
"UN weapons inspectors withdrew at the end of 1998 after
confrontations with the Iraqi regime over access to Saddam Hussein's
palaces and other restricted sites." (Ibid)
Not a word about the fact that "American espionage in Iraq, under
cover of United Nations weapons inspections, went far beyond the
search for banned arms", as Borger had himself reported in 1999. The
silence in response to the Iraqi vice-president's fierce and repeated
allegations reads as a contemptuous dismissal of claims deemed
unworthy of comment.
In similar vein, an Observer overview of Western relations with Iraq
since 1920, submits this entry for 1998:
"Iraq ends all co-operation with the UN Special Commission to Oversee
the Destruction of Iraq's Weapons of Mass Destruction (Unscom). US
and Britain launch Desert Fox, a bombing campaign designed to destroy
Iraq's nuclear, chemical and biological weapons programmes." ('From
friend to foe', The Observer, March 17, 2002)
There is no mention of claims of deliberate US provocation, of a
conflict manufactured for domestic political reasons. Again, the
infiltration of inspectors by CIA spies has been airbrushed from
history. There is no mention of the fact that the information gained
by the spies was then used to blitz Iraq. US military analyst William
Arkin suggests that the primary goal of Operation Desert Fox was to
target Saddam Hussein's internal security apparatus using information
gathered specifically through Unscom.. (see Milan Rai, War Plan Iraq,
Verso, 2002) One might think that this would be significant in an
honest appraisal of why Iraq is reluctant to readmit inspectors on
the basis of "unfettered access - any time, any place, anywhere", as
the US/UK have been demanding. But for our utterly compromised 'free
press', truth of this kind is deemed mere pro-Iraqi propaganda, best
quietly omitted.
This year (as of October 24) the words 'Iraq and inspectors' have
been mentioned in 497 Guardian/Observer articles. We managed to find
some half a dozen articles confirming that arms inspectors had been
infiltrated by CIA spies in 1998. These generally make brief mention
of the presence of spies, or report that spies merely "passed on
secrets" to the US and Israel, omitting to mention that the
information was used to launch a major military strike against Iraq.
This, to be sure, is only one example of how the US/UK media act as a
filtering system for power, ensuring that the public is presented
with the right facts and the right ideas at the right time.
In Part Two, 'What a Difference 3 Years Makes: UK News Coverage of
Why the Inspectors Left Iraq', we will show how reporting throughout
the UK media has closely mirrored the deceptive performance of the US
media, as reported by FAIR.
Original: Weapons Inspection: another pretext for regime change?