We learned this week that if we can't bring Osama bin Laden to justice dead or alive, the White House can still slap him with that most American form of capital punishment - kicking him off network television. Commentary from the New York Times.
A different kind of TV war
Frank Rich
Monday October 15, 2001
We learned this week that if we can't bring Osama bin Laden to
justice dead or alive, the White House can still slap him with
that most American form of capital punishment - kicking him off
network television.
In her conference call to TV news executives, Condoleezza Rice
asked them to think twice before letting Mr Bin Laden appear
unexpurgated in video again, arguing that Americans must be
shielded from both his propaganda and any coded messages he
might be sending to his operatives. Thus did Ms Rice send the
world three not too effectively coded messages of her own: 1)
that the administration entertains at least a passing fantasy that
al-Qaida, despite its access to both the internet and the Arabic
superstation Al Jazeera (35 million viewers worldwide, 150,000
by dish and cable in the US), can be disrupted by keeping it off
the likes of Fox; 2) that the administration's ambitions to
manage the news know no bounds; and 3) that the White House
was as spooked by Mr Bin Laden's almost instant rebuttal to
George Bush last Sunday as the rest of us were.
The last message, at least, is understandable. This may be a
war "pitting the world's mightiest industrial nation against a cave
dweller," as George Will has put it, but the cave dweller, we
keep being rudely reminded, is no caveman. Through
McLuhanesque savvy, brazen timing and a cunning message,
he upstaged the president of the United States on the day he
sent American troops into battle. "Bin Laden Is Winning the
Propaganda War," read the subsequent headline in The
Guardian, referring to the insidious slickness with which Mr Bin
Laden's address broadened his inflammatory rhetoric to
embrace the Palestinian cause, in which he had previously
shown little interest.
Instead of fighting Mr Bin Laden's hate speech with speech of
his own, Mr Bush's first countermove was to downplay his
importance by dropping his name altogether from public
statements - a strategy upended by Ms Rice's act of three days
later. By Thursday, the president's nemesis was back in full
force. Fear is Mr Bin Laden's weapon of choice, and only hours
before Mr. Bush's commanding primetime press conference, the
fear al-Qaida brought to America was surging again, courtesy of
a stark, unspecific and therefore terrorising FBI alert of new
attacks that the president could neither illuminate nor defuse.
A month after September 11, a week into war, the fear
engendered by Mr Bin Laden and his troops takes forms both
obvious (Cipro now rivals Viagra in sales on the internet) and
not. Among the more subtle displacements of our anxiety has
been the desperate but human effort, by the administration and
everyone else, to tame an uncharted future into predictability by
jamming it into a familiar historical paradigm. Even as Mr Bush
repeatedly - very repeatedly - tells us that we are fighting "a
different kind of war," his defence secretary, Donald Rumsfeld,
tries to sand down those differences by saying that the fight
against terrorism resembles the cold war.
This may be plausible in terms of duration and some tactics, but
there are, sadly, some riveting distinctions. The Soviet Union,
unlike al-Qaida and its fraternal networks, was identifiable on the
map, not in hiding in 60-plus countries. It never sent four bombs
to wreak mass destruction on New York and Washington. It
didn't have a corps of kamikaze operatives. It was possessed by
a godless ideology, not the blind faith that it was acting
righteously with God's blessing. What in part made Mr Bin
Laden's TV appearance last Sunday unnerving was that it
reminded us how little he resembles Khrushchev and Castro.
We didn't even know for sure where or when he recorded his
video, let alone where he is now. Whatever message he sent to
the Islamic world, the unencoded one he delivered to Americans
is that the war on terrorism is not the cold war but, what
everyone most fears, a leap into the unknown.
Even so, America's New War, as CNN has branded it, is already
whipping up one of the cold war's most self-destructive national
maladies - a will to stifle dissent. Such has been the
disproportionate avalanche of invective about Susan Sontag, Bill
Maher and Noam Chomsky that you'd hardly guess they were a
writer, a late-late-night comic and a linguistics professor -
Americans with less clout and popular standing than a
substitute weatherman on the Today show. Listening to all the
similar overheated rage about pacifists on and off college
campuses, you'd think as well that there was a large and
serious antiwar movement afoot to rival that of the Vietnam 60's.
Reality check: polls show that 94% of Americans support the
war effort.
That the right can whip itself into a rage about an American left
so small and marginalised suggests that it, too, is unhinged by
fear, and can only displace it by a knee-jerk refighting of
yesterday's cold war culture wars. Some conservatives are so
eager to manufacture traitors that they have yet to recognise
that, post-September 11, the leaders of the Democratic Party,
have been more fiercely loyal to the administration's war policy
than the Republicans busy accusing Colin Powell of
appeasement of Saddam. The truth is that the country is as
united as it ever could be, and willing to follow the president
wherever he leads.
Ms Rice's effort to browbeat the networks is doomed - as is Ari
Fleischer's attempt to expand it to newspapers - because no
competitive news organization will cede its editorial process to
the government. Yet it is but one example of what looks like a
major effort by the administration to manage news that in no
way threatens the security of military operations.
Recent days have also brought an unorthodox cancellation of a
daily Pentagon press briefing, a move to replace honest
journalism with propaganda at the Voice of America, a
short-lived effort to cut Congressmen out of the military and
intelligence loop, and the revelation that Karl Rove, the
president's political guru, went so far as to call a historian he'd
never met, Robert Dallek, to lean on him after Mr Dallek
criticised the president in USA Today for delaying his return to
Washington on Sept.11. Mr. Rove tried to sell Mr. Dallek the
false story, later retailed by too many gullible journalists, that
Mr. Bush had been scarce because Air Force One had been
under threat.
That's not the only misleading information put out by the White
House in a single month. Paul O'Neill, the treasury secretary,
tried to cheerlead the stock market by purporting that "our
economy was beginning to rebound before [Sept 11]" - soon to
be flatly contradicted by the pre-Sept 11 rise in unemployment.
When the first anthrax case was reported in Florida, Tommy
Thompson, the health secretary, prematurely announced that
that there was "no other indications anybody else has got
anthrax" and floated the clinically useless factoid that the victim
had been drinking water "out of a stream [while] travelling
through North Carolina." The credibility of official
pronouncements about subsequent anthrax cases has been
under a cloud ever since.
The point of much of this dissembling, like the attempt to banish
Mr Bin Laden from TV, is simple enough: what we don't know
won't hurt us. At his press conference, Mr Bush gave a progress
report on the war to date - and found solid advances on every
single front, without a single setback, not even a minor one, of
any kind. Asked if the American people had to make any
sacrifices for the war effort, the only one he could come up with
was longer lines at the airport. In other words, all the news is
good news. Decide for yourself if that makes you feel safe.
Original: A different kind of TV war