{"article":{"id":296687,"heading":"Against The Capitalist Catastrophe","author":"Internationalist Proletarians","created":"2018-05-01 00:41:22","modified":"2018-05-01 00:41:22","last_modified":"Tue, 01 May 2018 07:41:22","article":"<p>AGAINST THE CAPITALIST CATASTROPHE <br>  <br> The capitalist catastrophe continues to intensify <br>  <br> everywhere, reaching heights increasingly more incompatible <br>  <br> with life on the planet. War spread across the length of the world, <br>  <br> massive starvation, the intensification of exploitation, an <br>  <br> uninterrupted cascade of suicides, objectification of all social <br>  <br> relations, violence between and against proletarians (sexist <br>  <br> violence, racist violence, violence against children and the <br>  <br> elderly...), packed jails, the destruction of the Earth, increasingly <br>  <br> more toxic food, the destruction of health, etc. The antagonism <br>  <br> between capitalism and life has never been so devastating. <br>  <br> Neither has there ever been a such a large disproportion between <br>  <br> the imperious necessity of a social revolution and the little <br>  <br> intention of assuming it. <br>  <br> example of how mercantile development and the isolated <br>  <br> individual develop in a parallel form. This development not only <br>  <br> brutally negates the human community but presents huge <br>  <br> obstacles to the struggle against capitalism, since the affirmation <br>  <br> of this individual goes in the direction opposed to the <br>  <br> development of the organization of the only community which <br>  <br> opposes capital, the community of struggle, which comes from a <br>  <br> collective being, of a revolutionary social class, the proletariat. <br>  <br> In this context the proletariat has enormous difficulties for <br>  <br> acting and recognizing itself as a class. Its very being, as well <br>  <br> as its rich historical process of struggle and its program, appears <br>  <br> totally negated in history, be it by the deforming or hiding of this <br>  <br> historical reality. <br>  <br> The dynamic of capital itself and its ideological forces project a <br>  <br> social activity in which our class is negated as a subject, reduced <br>  <br> to that which it is in the process of production and reproduction <br>  <br> of capital, and to that which it is claimed it will be eternally: a <br>  <br> simple object of capital; a simple mercantile force of labor, <br>  <br> which can be put to use or disposed of according to the <br>  <br> necessities of production; a simple a spectator of social <br>  <br> occurrences. <br>  <br> The only subject capable of solving the problems of today <br>  <br> through a radical transformation of the society, the proletariat, <br>  <br> shows itself incapable of putting and end to all this catastrophe. <br>  <br> In spite of what it endures and experiences in the flesh, in spite <br>  <br> of rebelling over and over again against the living conditions that <br>  <br> it endures, provoking social explosions which cause the social <br>  <br> peace to tremble in one place or another, like what we have <br>  <br> experienced in Iran or Nicaragua, there exists a whole series of <br>  <br> factors which impede this subject from affirming itself as an <br>  <br> international force in order to impose its revolutionary solution <br>  <br> Precisely this reality entails that the proletarians themselves <br>  <br> to the huge problems from which we suffer. <br>  <br> believe themselves to be anything but proletarians. One is made <br>  <br> to believe that they are not proletarian because they are <br>  <br> Decades of counterrevolution and social peace have employed, another believes that they are not because they are <br>  <br> quartered the proletariat, maximizing the processes and unemployed, those from further off feel themselves to be <br>  <br> mechanisms of capitalist reproduction which veil the very farmers as opposed to workers, another believes themself to be <br>  <br> existence of the social classes (above all that of the proletariat) a merchant because they are a street vendor, many others feel <br>  <br> as such dismembering the unitary critique developed too young or too old to be proletarians, there will be those also <br>  <br> historically by this social class. The same capitalist totality upon who because they are women feel less concerned by the <br>  <br> which the reality which we live in unfolds appears fragmented question of their class, or feel racial oppression to be more <br>  <br> by a series of ideologies which particularize each problem that determinant than that of class and instead of feeling like a black <br>  <br> this system creates, seeking a particular solution to each one of proletarian, latino proletarian or asian proletarian, feel black, <br>  <br> them. Consequently, specific movements are launched which latino, or asian... and for those who overcome these most <br>  <br> approach these partial problems and try to resolve them. But not elemental forms of immediate negation of the proletarian <br>  <br> only isn't there any solution possible to every problem taken reality there will be other more political-ideological forms of <br>  <br> separately, but furthermore this fragmentation at the same time this same negation such as that of feeling \"anti-imperialist\", <br>  <br> alters the real content of these problems. Like so was constituted \"anti-neoliberal\", \"palestinian\", \"jewish\", \"cuban\", \"leftist\", <br>  <br> the ideology of the man's oppression of woman, the oppression \"french\", \"yankee\", \"aymara\", \"kurdish\", \"croatian\", \"first-world <br>  <br> of the white race over the other races, the destruction of nature worker\", \"feminist\", \"anti-racist\", etc. <br>  <br> by the human being..., codifying reality under these ideological <br>  <br> These identitarian conceptions present themselves as <br>  <br> parameters. In struggling by means of a partial category, the <br>  <br> social-democratic <br>  <br> forces which oppose the process of the <br>  <br> distinct movements situate on the plane of specific groups which <br>  <br> compete between themselves for a greater recognition of rights constitution of the proletariat as a class to negate the <br>  <br> on part of the state. The competition between commodities is catastrophe of this world. The perspective of class is diluted as <br>  <br> expressed politically as the competition between separate such in an entanglement of identities and fictitious <br>  <br> identities, all in benefit of the \"transversal\" politics of value and communities which live subsumed in the community of money. <br>  <br> its governmental management. Like so the unitary critique of <br>  <br> At the same time, politicism continues to be one of the <br>  <br> capital is displaced, a critique which contains at its core the <br>  <br> denunciation of each aspect, not as a particularity but as an essential ideologies against our class. It reduces the question of <br>  <br> expression of a totality which determines each part, and social transformation to occupying the State, be it by the <br>  <br> electoral path, be it by violence, in order to implant a series of <br>  <br> questions the social order which reproduces all these problems. <br>  <br> measures which \"would question the capitalist society\" and <br>  <br> The development of this society is closely linked to the would offer a \"real and immediate alternative\". But the State is <br>  <br> development of the isolated individual. The generalized not a neutral organ which can be used according to the will of <br>  <br> mercantile society excludes and dissolves all community which this or that leader or party, it's the organization as a force of the <br>  <br> is not the community of money and develops everything which current society, that of capital, and whoever it is that takes <br>  <br> maximizes the social isolation. Everything which it unites it possession of this State is determined to act within the <br>  <br> unites in separation, that is the essence of this world, and its capitalist framework. Far from directing the state, they are <br>  <br> manner of living, democracy. The effect which this reality directed by it. Therefore all the politicist measures are no more <br>  <br> provokes in the human community, destroying its social nature, than different forms of the development of capital that don't <br>  <br> atomizing it into isolated individuals with opposing interests, is question any of the foundations of this society or present any <br>  <br> increasingly more terrible. The citizen is today the luminous type of real alternative. Look at Cuba, Venezuela or the current <br>  <br> independentist process in Catalonia.Self-management is postulated as an alternative to <br>  <br> politicism; nevertheless it's nothing more than its replica upon <br>  <br> the productive terrain. If politicism reduces everything to the <br>  <br> public sphere, self-management does the same in the <br>  <br> productive sphere, trying to change the world without <br>  <br> destroying power, advocating for the producers to take the <br>  <br> means of production, just as they exist, in order to make them <br>  <br> function without bosses, without the bourgeoisie. But this <br>  <br> \"alternative\" keeps the social basis of capitalism intact, since <br>  <br> under it there continues the development of autonomous units <br>  <br> of commodity production, exchange, money (or \"time bonds\", <br>  <br> \"labor vouchers\"), meaning, capital, exploitation and all the <br>  <br> fundamental categories of this society. To consider that the <br>  <br> exploitation and the capitalist oppression emanate from the <br>  <br> individual bourgeois is to not comprehend that the bourgeois is <br>  <br> a functionary of capital, that capital, as \"automatic subject\", is <br>  <br> that which directs production. The experiences in Argentina at <br>  <br> the beginning of the 21st century with the \"recuperated\" <br>  <br> factories, or others more current like Rojava and its <br>  <br> cooperatives, show us how self management is capable of <br>  <br> liquidating our struggles and giving new vigor to the capitalist <br>  <br> economy. Self management just as much as politicism leave <br>  <br> intact the capitalist social relationship which must be <br>  <br> destroyed. <br>  <br> Of course, for the maintenance of this society it's also <br>  <br> essential to make believe that all those of us who suffer the <br>  <br> current terrible living conditions have a lesser evil to defend. <br>  <br> There's always something worse to look at which justifies the <br>  <br> submission to the current society, the more or less critical <br>  <br> support of the representatives of capital, or the renunciation of <br>  <br> the struggle for any small crumb. Someone who lives in the <br>  <br> asphyxiating capitalist social peace is shown the terror of war; <br>  <br> Those who cede their life to work in order to eat are shown the <br>  <br> unemployed with no resources who are at the breaking point in <br>  <br> hunger; to those who want to act outside of and against the union <br>  <br> political game \"other forms of doing politics\" and the <br>  <br> \"infallibility\" of \"direct democracy\" is extolled; to those that <br>  <br> question the left it is shown how bad the right is; to another they <br>  <br> say that democracy is better than dictatorship; those that struggle <br>  <br> are incited to abandon the struggle after receiving any small <br>  <br> crumb... Like so it is hidden that everything forms a part of the <br>  <br> same, that they are moments of the same existence subsumed to <br>  <br> wage labor, to money, to value. <br>  <br> process demands in order to become submerged in a possibilist <br>  <br> and localist dynamic without any perspective, which ruptures the <br>  <br> unity of the immediate struggles of our class (the struggle <br>  <br> against the austerity measures, against the evictions, against the <br>  <br> repression, expropriations...) from the historical struggle for the <br>  <br> revolution. <br>  <br> It's certain that the conditions of life of the proletariat bring <br>  <br> it to overcome these obstacles over and over again and affirm <br>  <br> itself as a class, violently opposing the current society, in spite of <br>  <br> all the weaknesses which we bear. Nevertheless, the local <br>  <br> framework is hardly surpassed, and only as an exception is a <br>  <br> regional one assumed. The rest of the worldwide proletariat is <br>  <br> not concerned by these struggles, doesn't assume the fight which <br>  <br> develops in one place or the other as its own fight. So an infinite <br>  <br> amount of struggles develop in complete isolation, which are <br>  <br> finally repolarized and\/or crushed by global capital (Syria, <br>  <br> Brazil, the Mapuches...). This issue reminds us constantly that <br>  <br> our class cannot generate a more revolutionary perspective than <br>  <br> assuming its struggle on a historical-universal plane. Proletarian <br>  <br> internationalism is not a nice motto of the past, but the very <br>  <br> terrain upon which the revolutionary struggle unfolds. <br>  <br> In spite of all these difficulties, in spite of all these forces <br>  <br> and elements which act against the constitution of the proletariat <br>  <br> as a revolutionary force, there's no other perspective, there's no <br>  <br> other exit from the capitalist catastrophe than the social <br>  <br> revolution. We don't have doubts that the capitalist catastrophe <br>  <br> will continue advancing and making life on this planet <br>  <br> increasingly more impossible. Neither do we have doubts that <br>  <br> the struggles of our class will continue reproducing themselves <br>  <br> here and there. Nevertheless, what's fundamental is not to <br>  <br> perceive this evidence, but to assume and structure these <br>  <br> struggles as one same international struggle to tear down <br>  <br> capitalism, using the accumulated historical experience to <br>  <br> overcome our own limits and weaknesses, as well as to denounce <br>  <br> everything which impedes international and internationalist <br>  <br> action against capital and the State. It's the only real route to <br>  <br> defend human needs against those of capital. The reforms, the <br>  <br> hopes and dreams which justify the rejection of the revolution, <br>  <br> are nothing more than forces for the conservation of the current <br>  <br> world. We don't have any other path to exit from this pit than to <br>  <br> denounce and smash these mechanisms for the defense of <br>  <br> capitalism which obstruct the organization of our community of <br>  <br> struggle. To organize ourselves together --outside of and against <br>  <br> all the structures of the State-- in the struggle against this system <br>  <br> of death, in the defense of human needs against those of capital, <br>  <br> in the affirmation of humanity against the capitalist <br>  <br> objectification. Everything else is walking towards the abyss to <br>  <br> which this society drives us. <br>  <br> Where the proletarians rebel, launch themselves against the <br>  <br> hell in which they live, like the struggles developed recently in <br>  <br> Nicaragua or in Iran, global capital seeks to deny the <br>  <br> revolutionary perspective and impose the capitalist inclination in <br>  <br> its multiple variants. It tries to enclose the struggles and <br>  <br> transform them into struggles against this or that government, <br>  <br> The affirmation of the human being against the absolute <br>  <br> this or that dictator, against this or that measure or arrangement, dehumanization which the proletarian condition contains, this is <br>  <br> tries to transform the revolts of our class into war between the essence of the constitution of the proletariat as a class in <br>  <br> bourgeois projects, to negate all questioning of this system and order to negate the social classes, the State and capital. <br>  <br> so absorb everything which opposes it. The summum of this <br>  <br> repolarization is the imperialist war in which the struggle of the <br>  <br> proletariat is driven to a struggle between bourgeois fractions, <br>  <br> Let's organize the struggle of our class internationally, <br>  <br> just like we currently endure in Syria, just in like other countries <br>  <br> against the global catastrophe of capitalism, against the <br>  <br> in the last decades. <br>  <br> whole society of classes! <br>  <br> These factors and limits of the current struggles, which <br>  <br> imply that all the struggles end up channeled, liquidated or <br>  <br> revitalizing capital, extend the belief in the impossibility of a <br>  <br> social revolution. This belief becomes a material force for the <br>  <br> conservation of this world, driving many of those who struggle <br>  <br> to draw back from that which an international revolutionary <br><br> INTERNATIONALIST PROLETARIANS <br>  <br> www.proletariosinternacionalistas.org <br>  <br> <a href=\"mailto:info@proletariosinternacionlistas.org\" rel=\"nofollow\">info@proletariosinternacionlistas.org<\/a><\/p>\n","contact":"info@proletariosinternacionalistas.org","link":"","address":"","phone":"","parent_id":0,"mime_type":"application\/pdf","summary":"Leaflet to copy spread for the 1st of may","numcomment":0,"fileurl":"\/uploads\/2018\/05\/contra_la_catastrofe_en.pdf","filesize":"98.0 kibibytes","article_url":"\/news\/2018\/05\/296687.php"},"attachments":[],"comments":[]}