{"article":{"id":133906,"heading":"World Tribunal on Iraq : Final Declaration of the Jury of Conscience","author":"AmigaPhil","created":"2005-08-01 03:31:17","modified":"2005-08-15 00:16:00","last_modified":"Mon, 15 Aug 2005 07:16:00","article":"<p>DECLARATION OF THE JURY OF CONSCIENCE\r\n\r\nWORLD TRIBUNAL ON IRAQ - ISTANBUL\r\n23rd - 27th JUNE 2005\r\n\r\n<\/p><p><br>\r\n<br>\r\n<br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>27th June 2005, Istanbul<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>In February 2003, weeks before an illegal war\r\nwas initiated against Iraq, millions of people protested in the\r\nstreets of the world. That call went unheeded. No international\r\ninstitution had the courage or conscience to stand up to the threat\r\nof aggression of the US and UK governments. No one could stop them.\r\nIt is two years later now. Iraq has been invaded, occupied, and\r\ndevastated. The attack on Iraq is an attack on justice, on liberty,\r\non our safety, on our future, on us all. We, people of conscience,\r\ndecided to stand up. We formed the World Tribunal on Iraq (WTI) to\r\ndemand justice and a peaceful future.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>The legitimacy of the World Tribunal on Iraq\r\nis located in the collective conscience of humanity. This, the\r\nIstanbul session of the WTI, is the culmination of a series of 20\r\nhearings held in different cities of the world focusing on the\r\nillegal invasion and occupation of Iraq. The conclusions of these\r\nsessions and\/or inquiries held in Barcelona, Brussels, Copenhagen,\r\nGenoa, Hiroshima, Istanbul, Lisbon, London, Mumbai, New York,\r\nOstersund, Paris, Rome, Seoul, Stockholm, Tunis, various cities in\r\nJapan and Germany are appended to this Declaration in a separate\r\nvolume.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>We, the Jury of Conscience, from 10 different\r\ncountries, met in Istanbul. We heard 54 testimonies from a Panel of\r\nAdvocates and Witnesses who came from across the world, including\r\nfrom Iraq, the United States and the United Kingdom.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>The World Tribunal on Iraq met in Istanbul\r\nfrom 24-26 June 2005. The principal objective of the WTI is to tell\r\nand disseminate the truth about the Iraq War, underscoring the\r\naccountability of those responsible and underlining the\r\nsignificance of justice for the Iraqi people.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\nI. Overview of Findings\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<ol>\r\n<li>The invasion and occupation of Iraq was and\r\nis illegal. The reasons given by the US and UK governments for the\r\ninvasion and occupation of Iraq in March 2003 have proven to be\r\nfalse. Much evidence supports the conclusion that a major motive\r\nfor the war was to control and dominate the Middle East and its\r\nvast reserves of oil as a part of the US drive for global\r\nhegemony.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>Blatant falsehoods about the presence of\r\nweapons of mass destruction in Iraq and a link between Al Qaeda\r\nterrorism and the Saddam Hussein regime were manufactured in order\r\nto create public support for a \"preemptive\" assault upon a\r\nsovereign independent nation.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>Iraq has been under siege for years. The\r\nimposition of severe inhumane economic sanctions on 6 August 1990,\r\nthe establishment of no-fly zones in the Northern and Southern\r\nparts of Iraq, and the concomitant bombing of the country were all\r\naimed at degrading and weakening Iraq's human and material\r\nresources and capacities in order to facilitate its subsequent\r\ninvasion and occupation. In this enterprise the US and British\r\nleaderships had the benefit of a complicit UN Security Council.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>In pursuit of their agenda of empire, the\r\nBush and Blair governments blatantly ignored the massive opposition\r\nto the war expressed by millions of people around the world. They\r\nembarked upon one of the most unjust, immoral, and cowardly wars in\r\nhistory.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>Established international political-legal\r\nmechanisms have failed to prevent this attack and to hold the\r\nperpetrators accountable. The impunity that the US government and\r\nits allies enjoy has created a serious international crisis that\r\nquestions the import and significance of international law, of\r\nhuman rights covenants and of the ability of international\r\ninstitutions including the United Nations to address the crisis\r\nwith any degree of authority or dignity.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>The US\/UK occupation of Iraq of the last 27\r\nmonths has led to the destruction and devastation of the Iraqi\r\nstate and society. Law and order have broken down, resulting in a\r\npervasive lack of human security. The physical infrastructure is in\r\nshambles; the health care delivery system is in poor condition; the\r\neducation system has virtually ceased to function; there is massive\r\nenvironmental and ecological devastation; and the cultural and\r\narchaeological heritage of the Iraqi people has been\r\ndesecrated.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>The occupation has intentionally exacerbated\r\nethnic, sectarian and religious divisions in Iraqi society, with\r\nthe aim of undermining Iraq's identity and integrity as a nation.\r\nThis is in keeping with the familiar imperial policy of divide and\r\nrule. Moreover, it has facilitated rising levels of violence\r\nagainst women, increased gender oppression and reinforced\r\npatriarchy.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>The imposition of the UN sanctions in 1990\r\ncaused untold suffering and thousands of deaths. The situation has\r\nworsened after the occupation. At least 100,000 civilians have been\r\nkilled; 60,000 are being held in US custody in inhumane conditions,\r\nwithout charges; thousands have disappeared; and torture has become\r\nroutine.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>The illegal privatization, deregulation, and\r\nliberalization of the Iraqi economy by the occupation regime has\r\ncoerced the country into becoming a client economy that is\r\ncontrolled by the IMF and the World Bank, both of which are\r\nintegral to the Washington Consensus. The occupying forces have\r\nalso acquired control over Iraq's oil reserves.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>Any law or institution created under the\r\naegis of occupation is devoid of both legal and moral authority.\r\nThe recently concluded election, the Constituent Assembly, the\r\ncurrent government, and the drafting committee for the Constitution\r\nare therefore all illegitimate.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>There is widespread opposition to the\r\noccupation. Political, social, and civil resistance through\r\npeaceful means is subjected to repression by the occupying forces.\r\nIt is the occupation and its brutality that has provoked a strong\r\narmed resistance and certain acts of desperation. By the principles\r\nembodied in the UN Charter and in international law, the popular\r\nnational resistance to the occupation is legitimate and justified.\r\nIt deserves the support of people everywhere who care for justice\r\nand freedom.<\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\nII. Charges\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>On the basis of the preceding findings and\r\nrecalling the Charter of the United Nations and other legal\r\ndocuments indicated in the appendix, the jury has established the\r\nfollowing charges.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\nA. Against the Governments of the US and the\r\nUK\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<ol start=\"1\">\r\n<li value=\"1\"><b>Planning, preparing, and waging the\r\nsupreme crime of a war of aggression in contravention of the United\r\nNations Charter and the Nuremberg Principles.<\/b> Evidence for this\r\ncan be found in the leaked Downing Street Memo of 23rd\r\nJuly, 2002, in which it was revealed: \"Military action was now seen\r\nas inevitable. Bush wanted to remove Saddam through military\r\naction, justified by the conjunction of terrorism and WMD. But the\r\nintelligence and facts were being fixed around the policy.\"\r\nIntelligence was manufactured to willfully deceive the people of\r\nthe US, the UK, and their elected representatives.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li><b>Targeting the civilian population of Iraq\r\nand civilian infrastructure<\/b> by intentionally directing attacks\r\nupon civilians and hospitals, medical centers, residential\r\nneighborhoods, electricity stations, and water purification\r\nfacilities. The complete destruction of the city of Falluja in\r\nitself constitutes a glaring example of such crimes.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li><b>Using disproportionate force and weapon\r\nsystems with indiscriminate effects,<\/b> such as cluster munitions,\r\nincendiary bombs, depleted uranium (DU), and chemical weapons.\r\nDetailed evidence was presented to the Tribunal by expert witnesses\r\nthat leukemia had risen sharply in children under the age of five\r\nresiding in those areas that had been targeted by DU weapons.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li><b>Using DU munitions in spite of all the\r\nwarnings presented by scientists and war veterans on their\r\ndevastating long-term effects on human beings and the\r\nenvironment.<\/b> The US Administration, claiming lack of\r\nscientifically established proof of the harmful effects of DU,\r\ndecided to risk the lives of millions for several generations\r\nrather than discontinue its use on account of the potential risks.\r\nThis alone displays the Administration's wanton disregard for human\r\nlife. The Tribunal heard testimony concerning the current\r\nobstruction by the US Administration of the efforts of Iraqi\r\nuniversities to collect data and conduct research on the issue.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li><b>Failing to safeguard the lives of\r\ncivilians during military activities and during the occupation\r\nperiod thereafter.<\/b> This is evidenced, for example, by \"shock\r\nand awe\" bombing techniques and the conduct of occupying forces at\r\ncheckpoints.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li><b>Actively creating conditions under which\r\nthe status of Iraqi women has seriously been degraded,<\/b> contrary\r\nto the repeated claims of the leaders of the coalition forces.\r\nWomen's freedom of movement has severely been limited, restricting\r\ntheir access to the public sphere, to education, livelihood,\r\npolitical and social engagement. Testimony was provided that sexual\r\nviolence and sex trafficking have increased since the occupation of\r\nIraq began.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li><b>Using deadly violence against peaceful\r\nprotestors,<\/b> including the April 2003 killing of more than a\r\ndozen peaceful protestors in Falluja.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li><b>Imposing punishments without charge or\r\ntrial, including collective punishment,<\/b> on the people of Iraq.\r\nRepeated testimonies pointed to \"snatch and grab\" operations,\r\ndisappearances and assassinations.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li><b>Subjecting Iraqi soldiers and civilians to\r\ntorture and cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment<\/b>. Degrading\r\ntreatment includes subjecting Iraqi soldiers and civilians to acts\r\nof racial, ethnic, religious, and gender discrimination, as well as\r\ndenying Iraqi soldiers Prisoner of War status as required by the\r\nGeneva Conventions. Abundant testimony was provided of unlawful\r\narrests and detentions, without due process of law. Well known and\r\negregious examples of torture and cruel and inhuman treatment\r\noccurred in Abu Ghraib prison as well as in Mosul, Camp Bucca, and\r\nBasra. The employment of mercenaries and private contractors to\r\ncarry out torture has served to undermine accountability.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li><b>Re-writing the laws of a country that has\r\nbeen illegally invaded and occupied<\/b>, in violation of\r\ninternational covenants on the responsibilities of occupying\r\npowers, in order to amass illegal profits (through such measures as\r\nOrder 39, signed by L. Paul Bremer III for the Coalition\r\nProvisional Authority, which allows foreign investors to buy and\r\ntakeover Iraq's state-owned enterprises and to repatriate 100\r\npercent of their profits and assets at any point) and to control\r\nIraq's oil. Evidence was presented of a number of corporations that\r\nhad profited from such transactions.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li><b>Willfully devastating the environment<\/b>,\r\ncontaminating it by depleted uranium (DU) weapons, combined with\r\nthe plumes from burning oil wells, as well as huge oil spills, and\r\ndestroying agricultural lands. Deliberately disrupting the water\r\nand waste removal systems, in a manner verging on\r\nbiological-chemical warfare. Failing to prevent the looting and\r\ndispersal of radioactive material from nuclear sites. Extensive\r\ndocumentation is available on air and water pollution, land\r\ndegradation, and radioactive pollution.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li><b>Failing to protect humanity's rich\r\narchaeological and cultural heritage in Iraq<\/b> by allowing the\r\nlooting of museums and established historical sites and positioning\r\nmilitary bases in culturally and archaeologically sensitive\r\nlocations. This took place despite prior warnings from UNESCO and\r\nIraqi museum officials.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li><b>Obstructing the right to information,\r\nincluding the censoring of Iraqi media,<\/b> such as\r\nnewspapers (e.g., <i>al-Hawza<\/i>, <i>al-Mashriq,<\/i> and\r\n<i>al-Mustaqila<\/i>) and radio stations (Baghdad Radio), the\r\nshutting down of the Baghdad offices of Al Jazeera Television,\r\ntargeting international journalists, imprisoning and killing\r\nacademics, intellectuals and scientists.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li><b>Redefining torture in violation of\r\ninternational law, to allow use of torture and illegal\r\ndetentions,<\/b> including holding more than 500 people at\r\nGuantanamo Bay without charging them or allowing them any access\r\nto legal protection, and using \"extraordinary renditions\" to send\r\npeople to be tortured in other countries known to commit human\r\nrights abuses and torture prisoners.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li><b>Committing a crime against peace by\r\nviolating the will of the global anti-war movement.<\/b> In an\r\nunprecedented display of public conscience millions of people\r\nacross the world stood in opposition to the imminent attack on\r\nIraq. The attack rendered them effectively voiceless. This amounts\r\nto a declaration by the US government and its allies to millions of\r\npeople that their voices can be ignored, suppressed and silenced\r\nwith complete impunity.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li><b>Engaging in policies to wage permanent war\r\non sovereign nations.<\/b> Syria and Iran have already been declared\r\nas potential targets. In declaring a \"global war on terror,\" the US\r\ngovernment has given itself the exclusive right to use aggressive\r\nmilitary force against any target of its choosing. Ethnic and\r\nreligious hostilities are being fueled in different parts of the\r\nworld. The US occupation of Iraq has further emboldened the Israeli\r\noccupation in Palestine and increased the repression of the\r\nPalestinian people. The focus on state security and the escalation\r\nof militarization has caused a serious deterioration of human\r\nsecurity and civil rights across the world.<\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\nB. Against the Security Council of the\r\nUnited Nations\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<ol>\r\n<li value=\"1\"><b>Failing to protect the Iraqi people\r\nagainst the crime of aggression<\/b>.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li><b>Imposing harsh economic sanctions on\r\nIraq<\/b>, despite knowledge that sanctions were directly\r\ncontributing to the massive loss of civilian lives and harming\r\ninnocent civilians.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li><b>Allowing the United States and United\r\nKingdom to carry out illegal bombings<\/b> in the no-fly zones,\r\nusing false pretenses of enforcing UN resolutions, and at no point\r\nallowing discussion in the Security Council of this violation, and\r\nthereby being complicit and responsible for loss of civilian life\r\nand destruction of Iraqi infrastructure.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li><b>Allowing the United States to dominate the\r\nUnited Nations<\/b> and hold itself above any accountability by\r\nother member nations.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>Failure to stop war crimes and crimes\r\nagainst humanity by the United States and its coalition partners in\r\nIraq.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li><b>Failure to hold the United States and its\r\ncoalition partners accountable for violations of international law\r\nduring the invasion and occupation,<\/b> giving official sanction to\r\nthe occupation and therefore, both by acts of commission and acts\r\nof omission becoming a collaborator in an illegal occupation.<\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\nC. Against the Governments of the Coalition\r\nof the Willing\r\n\r\n<p>Collaborating in the invasion and occupation\r\nof Iraq, thus sharing responsibility in the crimes committed.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\nD. Against the Governments of Other\r\nCountries\r\n\r\n<p>Allowing the use of military bases and air\r\nspace, and providing other logistical support, for the invasion and\r\noccupation, and hence being complicit in the crimes committed.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\nE. Against the Private Corporations which\r\nhave won contracts for the reconstruction of Iraq and which have\r\nsued for and received \"reparation awards\" from the illegal\r\noccupation regime\r\n\r\n<p>Profiting from the war with complicity in the\r\ncrimes described above, of invasion and occupation.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\nF. Against the Major Corporate Media\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<ol>\r\n<li value=\"1\"><b>Disseminating the deliberate falsehoods\r\nspread by the governments of the US and the UK<\/b> and failing to\r\nadequately investigate this misinformation, even in the face of\r\nabundant evidence to the contrary. Among the corporate media houses\r\nthat bear special responsibility for promoting the lies about\r\nIraq's weapons of mass destruction, we name the <i>New York\r\nTimes<\/i>, in particular their reporter Judith Miller, whose main\r\nsource was on the payroll of the CIA. We also name Fox News, CNN,\r\nNBC, CBS, ABC, the BBC and ITN. This list also includes but is not\r\nlimited to, <i>The Express<\/i>, <i>The Sun<\/i>, <i>The Observer<\/i>\r\nand <i>Washington Post<\/i>.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li><b>Failing to report the atrocities being\r\ncommitted against Iraqi people<\/b> by the occupying forces,\r\nneglecting the duty to give privilege and dignity to voices of\r\nsuffering and marginalizing the global voices for peace and\r\njustice.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li><b>Failing to report fairly on the ongoing\r\noccupation; silencing and discrediting dissenting<\/b> voices and\r\nfailing to adequately report on the full national costs and\r\nconsequences of the invasion and occupation of Iraq; disseminating\r\nthe propaganda of the occupation regime that seeks to justify the\r\ncontinuation of its presence in Iraq on false grounds.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li><b>Inciting an ideological climate of fear,\r\nracism, xenophobia and Islamophobia,<\/b> which is then used to\r\njustify and legitimize violence perpetrated by the armies of the\r\noccupying regime.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li><b>Disseminating an ideology that glorifies\r\nmasculinity and combat,<\/b> while normalizing war as a policy\r\nchoice.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li><b>Complicity in the waging of an aggressive\r\nwar and perpetuating a regime of occupation<\/b> that is widely\r\nregarded as guilty of war crimes and crimes against humanity.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li><b>Enabling, through the validation and\r\ndissemination of disinformation, the fraudulent misappropriation of\r\nhuman and financial resources<\/b> for an illegal war waged on false\r\npretexts.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li><b>Promoting corporate-military perspectives\r\non \"security\" which are counter-productive to the fundamental\r\nconcerns and priorities of the global population<\/b> and have\r\nseriously endangered civilian populations.<\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\nIII. Recommendations\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>Recognizing the right of the Iraqi people to\r\nresist the illegal occupation of their country and to develop\r\nindependent institutions, and affirming that the right to resist\r\nthe occupation is the right to wage a struggle for\r\nself-determination, freedom, and independence as derived from the\r\nCharter of the United Nations, we the Jury of Conscience declare\r\nour solidarity with the people of Iraq.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>We recommend:<\/p>\r\n\r\n<ol>\r\n<li value=\"1\">The immediate and unconditional withdrawal of\r\nthe Coalition forces from Iraq.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>That Coalition governments make war\r\nreparations and pay compensation to Iraq for the humanitarian,\r\neconomic, ecological, and cultural devastation they have caused by\r\ntheir illegal invasion and occupation.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>That all laws, contracts, treaties, and\r\ninstitutions established under occupation, which the Iraqi people\r\ndeem inimical to their interests, be considered null and void.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>That the Guantanamo Bay prison and all other\r\noffshore US military prisons be closed immediately, that the names\r\nof the prisoners be disclosed, that they receive POW status, and\r\nreceive due process.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>That there be an exhaustive investigation of\r\nthose responsible for the crime of aggression, war crimes and\r\ncrimes against humanity in Iraq, beginning with George W. Bush,\r\nPresident of the United States of America, Tony Blair, Prime\r\nMinister of the United Kingdom, those in key decision-making\r\npositions in these countries and in the Coalition of the Willing,\r\nthose in the military chain-of-command who master-minded the\r\nstrategy for and carried out this criminal war, starting from the\r\nvery top and going down; as well as personalities in Iraq who\r\nhelped prepare this illegal invasion and supported the\r\noccupiers.<br>\r\n\r\n<p>We list some\r\nof the most obvious names to be included in such investigation:<\/p>\r\n\r\n<ul>\r\n<li>prime ministers of the Coalition of the\r\nWilling, such as Junichiro Koizumi of Japan, Jose Maria Aznar of\r\nSpain, Silvio Berlusconi of Italy, Jose Manuel Durao Barroso and\r\nSantana Lopes of Portugal, Roh Moo Hyun of South Korea, Anders Fogh\r\nRasmussen of Denmark;<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>public officials such as Dick Cheney, Donald\r\nH. Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz, Colin L. Powell, Condoleezza Rice,\r\nRichard Perle, Douglas Feith, Alberto Gonzales, L. Paul Bremer from\r\nthe US, and Jack Straw, Geoffrey Hoon, John Reid, Adam Ingram from\r\nthe UK;<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>military commanders beginning with: Gen.\r\nRichard Myers, Gen. Tommy Franks, Gen. John P. Abizaid, Gen.\r\nRicardo S. Sanchez, Gen. Thomas Metz, Gen. John R. Vines, Gen.\r\nGeorge Casey from the US; Gen. Mike Jackson, Gen. John Kiszely, Air\r\nMarshal Brian Burridge, Gen. Peter Wall, Rear Admiral David\r\nSnelson, Gen. Robin Brims, Air Vice-Marshal Glenn Torpy from the\r\nUK; and chiefs of staff and commanding officers of all coalition\r\ncountries with troops in Iraq.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>Iraqi collaborators such as Ahmed Chalabi,\r\nIyad Allawi, Abdul Aziz Al Hakim, Gen. Abdul Qader Mohammed Jassem\r\nMohan, among others.<\/li>\r\n<\/ul>\r\n\r\n<br>\r\n<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>That a process of accountability is initiated\r\nto hold those morally and personally responsible for their\r\nparticipation in this illegal war, such as journalists who\r\ndeliberately lied, corporate media outlets that promoted racial,\r\nethnic and religious hatred, and CEOs of multinational corporations\r\nthat profited from this war;<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>That people throughout the world launch\r\nnonviolent actions against US and UK corporations that directly\r\nprofit from this war. Examples of such corporations include\r\nHalliburton, Bechtel, The Carlyle Group, CACI Inc., Titan\r\nCorporation, Kellog, Brown and Root (subsidiary of Halliburton),\r\nDynCorp, Boeing, ExxonMobil, Texaco, British Petroleum. The\r\nfollowing companies have sued Iraq and received \"reparation\r\nawards\": Toys R Us, Kentucky Fried Chicken, Shell, Nestle, Pepsi,\r\nPhillip Morris, Sheraton, Mobil. Such actions may take the form of\r\ndirect actions such as shutting down their offices, consumer\r\nboycotts, and pressure on shareholders to divest.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>That young people and soldiers act on\r\nconscientious objection and refuse to enlist and participate in an\r\nillegal war. Also, that countries provide conscientious objectors\r\nwith political asylum.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>That the international campaign for\r\ndismantling all US military bases abroad be reinforced.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>That people around the world resist and\r\nreject any effort by any of their governments to provide material,\r\nlogistical, or moral support to the occupation of Iraq.<\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>We, the Jury of Conscience, hope that the\r\nscope and specificity of these recommendations will lay the\r\ngroundwork for a world in which international institutions will be\r\nshaped and reshaped by the will of people and not by fear and\r\nself-interest, where journalists and intellectuals will not remain\r\nmute, where the will of the people of the world will be central,\r\nand human security will prevail over state security and corporate\r\nprofits.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><b>Arundhati Roy<\/b>, India, <i>Spokesperson\r\nof the Jury of Conscience<\/i><br>\r\n<b>Ahmet Ozturk<\/b>, Turkey<br>\r\n<b>Ayse Erzan<\/b>, Turkey<br>\r\n<b>Chandra Muzaffar<\/b>, Malaysia<br>\r\n<b>David Krieger<\/b>, USA<br>\r\n<b>Eve Ensler<\/b>, USA<br>\r\n<b>Francois Houtart<\/b>, Belgium<br>\r\n<b>Jae-Bok Kim<\/b>, South Korea<br>\r\n<b>Mehmet Tarhan<\/b>, Turkey<br>\r\n<b>Miguel Angel De Los Santos Cruz<\/b>, Mexico<br>\r\n<b>Murat Belge<\/b>, Turkey<br>\r\n<b>Rela Mazali<\/b>, Israel<br>\r\n<b>Salaam Al Jobourie<\/b>, Iraq<br>\r\n<b>Taty Almeida<\/b>, Argentina<br>\r\n<br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<hr>\r\n<br>\r\n<br>\r\n<br>\r\n \r\nInternational Law Appendix\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>Explanatory Note<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>This international law appendix is intended\r\nto back up the Jury Statement that rests its assessments primarily\r\non a moral and political appraisal of the Iraq War. The Statement\r\nrelies upon the extensive testimony given in written and oral form\r\nby international law experts who have a world-class scholarly\r\nreputation during the Istanbul Culminating Session of the World\r\nTribunal on Iraq (WTI). It also reflects the testimony and\r\nsubmissions on related issues of war crimes and the failure of the\r\nUnited Nations to protect Iraq against aggression.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>The Jury of Conscience was not a body\r\ncomposed of jurists or international law experts. It did not hear\r\narguments supporting the legality of the invasion of Iraq as would\r\nhave been made before a judicial body under the authority of either\r\nthe state or an international institution acting on behalf of the\r\ninternational community. The World Tribunal on Iraq throughout all\r\nof its session proceeded from a sense of moral and political\r\noutrage of concerned citizens from all over the world, with respect\r\nto the war. The Tribunal was not interested in a debate solely as\r\nto legality. The legal issues were relevant to the extent that they\r\nadded weight to the moral and political purpose of the Tribunal,\r\nwhich was to expose the Iraq War as the crime it is, appealing to\r\nand drawing upon the deep bonds that link us all in our humanity.\r\nTherefore the Tribunal sought testimony and evidence to call into\r\nquestion the mantle of respectability thrown over the Iraq War by\r\nthe aggressors, and the false impression disseminated by mainstream\r\nmedia, that the Iraq War was in any sense justified by political\r\ncircumstances, moral considerations, or legal analysis.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>The WTI is a worldwide process dedicated to\r\nreclaiming justice on behalf of the peoples of the world. It aims\r\nto record the severe wrongs, crimes, and violations that were\r\ncommitted in the process leading up to the aggression against Iraq,\r\nduring the war, and throughout the ensuing occupation, continuing\r\nwith unabated fury to this day. The role of international law is\r\nunderstood in light of these WTI goals.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>The concerns of the WTI range much further\r\nthan the demand for the implementation of international law,\r\nespecially as much of this law currently serves the interests of\r\nwealth and power. Nevertheless, international law with respect to\r\nthe use of force and recourse to war is important in relation to\r\nthe work of the WTI. International law is useful for the WTI for\r\nthe following reasons:<\/p>\r\n\r\n<ul>\r\n<li>International law grounds the political and\r\nmoral demand for the criminal indictment and prosecution of those\r\nresponsible for the Iraq War, and it clarifies the extent of\r\ncriminal accountability as extending to corporate and media\r\nparticipation;<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>International law rejects the dangerous\r\nimperialist claims of the United States and the United Kingdom to\r\nbe exempt from international legal obligations.<\/li>\r\n<\/ul>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>In addition, the WTI makes use of\r\ninternational law to fulfill its mission:<\/p>\r\n\r\n<ul>\r\n<li>The WTI connects a call for global\r\njustice with the demand for the implementation of international\r\nlaw, but also for a rethinking of the premises and operations of\r\ninternational law so that it might be of greater relevance to the\r\nachievement of human security in the future;<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>The WTI demands an interrogation as to\r\nwhy international institutions, particularly the United Nations,\r\nproved powerless against US unilateralism and aggression;<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>The WTI insists that United Nations\r\nexercise its constitutional responsibility to protect its Members\r\nfrom aggression and illegal occupation;<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>The WTI possesses the authority, as\r\nrepresenting civil society, to declare and seek enforcement of\r\ninternational legal obligations when states and the United Nations\r\nfail to uphold international law in matters of war and peace.<\/li>\r\n<\/ul>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>It is important to distinguish:<\/p>\r\n\r\n<ul>\r\n<li>violations of international law, including\r\nthe UN Charter, by <i>a state<\/i>; and<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>crimes associated with these violation\r\ncommitted by <i>political and military leaders, government\r\nofficials, corporations and their officers, soldiers and private\r\ncontractors, journalists and media personnel.<\/i><\/li>\r\n<\/ul>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\nLegal Analysis\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<ul>\r\n<li>International law consists of (1)\r\ninternational treaties, including the UN Charter [see list of\r\ndocuments]; (2) international customary law [especially in relation\r\nto the conduct of states in war]; (3) international criminal law [a\r\nsub-category of (1) resting on treaties and agreements among\r\nstates, based on the framework of the Nuremberg Judgment in 1945,\r\nunanimously affirmed by the UN General Assembly's adoption of the\r\nNuremberg Principles in 1946, Res. 95(I)].<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>In the War on Iraq the three principles\r\nof customary international law have been violated: (1) Principle of\r\nProportionality: force can only be used to attain permissible legal\r\nobjectives, and then only to the extent required by 'military\r\nnecessity'; (2) Principle of Discrimination: force and weaponry can\r\nonly be used if confined to military targets; indiscriminate\r\nweapons and tactics are prohibited; (3) Principle of Humanity:\r\nforce must never be used to cause unnecessary suffering and maximum\r\ncare must be taken to protect civilian society, including its\r\ncultural heritage.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>The War on Iraq violates the Nuremberg\r\nPrinciples that set forth the following essential guidelines (as\r\nformulated by the International Law Commission of the UN in 1950 in\r\nresponse to request from General Assembly):<\/li>\r\n<\/ul>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>Principle I<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>Any person who commits an act which\r\nconstitutes a crime under international law is responsible\r\ntherefore and liable to punishment.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>Principle II<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>The fact that internal law does not impose a\r\npenalty for an act, which constitutes a crime under international\r\nlaw, does not relieve the person who committed the act from\r\nresponsibility under international law.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>Principle III<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>The fact that a person who committed an act\r\nwhich constitutes a crime under international law acted as Head of\r\nState or responsible Government official does not relieve him from\r\nresponsibility under international law.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>Principle IV<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>The fact that a person acted pursuant to\r\norder of his Government or of a superior does not relieve him from\r\nresponsibility under international law, provided a moral choice was\r\nin fact possible to him.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>Principle V<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>Any person charged with a crime under\r\ninternational law has the right to a fair trial on the facts and\r\nlaw.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>Principle VI<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>The crimes hereinafter set out are\r\npunishable as crimes under; international law:<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>a) <b>Crimes against peace:<\/b><\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>i. Planning, preparation, initiation or\r\nwaging of a war of aggression or a war in violation of\r\ninternational treaties, agreements or assurances;<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>ii. Participation in a common plan or\r\nconspiracy for the accomplishment of any of the acts mentioned\r\nunder (i).<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>b) <b>War crimes:<\/b><\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>Violations of the laws or customs of war\r\nwhich include, but are not limited to, murder, ill treatment or\r\ndeportation to slave-labor or for any other purpose of civilian\r\npopulation of or in occupied territory, murder or ill treatment of\r\nprisoners of war, of persons on the seas, killing of hostages,\r\nplunder of public or private property, wanton destruction of\r\ncities, towns, or villages, or devastation not justified by\r\nmilitary necessity.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>c) <b>Crimes against humanity:<\/b><\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>Murder, extermination, enslavement,\r\ndeportation and other inhuman acts done against any civilian\r\npopulation, or persecutions on political, racial or religious\r\ngrounds, when such acts are done or such persecutions are carried\r\non in execution of or in connection with any crime against peace or\r\nany war crime.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>Principle VII<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>Complicity in the commission of a crime\r\nagainst peace, a war crime, or a crime against humanity as set\r\nforth in Principles VI is a crime under international law.<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\nViolations and Crimes:\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>I. The invasion of Iraq on March 20, 2003,\r\ntogether with the continuing occupation of Iraq, constitutes a\r\nviolation of the core obligation of the United Nations Charter:<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<ul>\r\n<li>resolving international conflicts by\r\nrecourse to force or the threat of force is unconditionally\r\nprohibited by Article 2(4) of the Charter;<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>the only exception to this probation is the\r\nright of states to act in self-defense against a prior armed attack\r\nas allowed by Article 51, but with the requirement that defending\r\nstate report its claim to the Security Council;<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>the claims of the US\/UK Governments based on\r\ndoctrines of 'preemption' or 'preventive war' have no standing in\r\ninternational law, and reliance on such specious arguments was in\r\nany event unsupported by facts; even if weapons of mass destruction\r\nhad existed in Iraq it would not provide a legal justification for\r\nthe invasion; nor would the claim that 'regime change' would\r\nliberate the Iraqi people from dictatorial rule violative of human\r\nrights;<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>with respect to Iraq there existed no basis\r\nfor claiming self-defense or acting on the basis of a Security\r\nCouncil authorization; the invasion of Iraq and the subsequent\r\noccupation of the country constitutes a continuing aggression\r\nagainst a sovereign state and member of the UN in violation of\r\ninternational law;<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>the cumulative effect of these violations is\r\nto create a strong factual and legal foundation for the indictment,\r\nprosecution, and punishment of the individuals responsible for\r\nplanning, initiating, and waging a crime of aggression against\r\nIraq.<\/li>\r\n<\/ul>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>II. Iraq War by the invading military\r\nforces, principally those of the United States and United Kingdom,\r\nand subsequent occupation, violated the law of war such as the\r\nGeneva Conventions on the Humanitarian Laws of War (1949),\r\nAdditional Protocols to Geneva Conventions (1977) and Hague\r\nConventions on the Laws of War (1899, 1907) in numerous respects,\r\nincluding the following:<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<ul>\r\n<li>use of cluster bombs, napalm, depleted\r\nuranium;<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>bombing of civilian targets and areas (e.g.\r\nmarkets, restaurants, media facilities, religious and cultural\r\nsites);<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>intense and indiscriminate military\r\noperations against many cities and towns causing massive civilian\r\ncasualties (e.g. Najaf, Falluja);<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>repeated and systematic use of torture and\r\ndegrading treatment of Iraqi civilian and military personnel\r\ndetained in prison facilities or covertly transferred to foreign\r\ncountries known for torture and severe prison conditions;<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>overall failure to protect the civilian\r\npopulation and their property, cultural heritage (shootings at\r\ncheck points; house raids; lootings of museums and other cultural\r\nsites; refusal to assess extent of civilian death and damage) [see\r\nespecially common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions imposing duty\r\nto take special measures to protect civilian population to the\r\nextent possible) (Also Geneva Convention IV specifies the\r\nobligations of the occupying power in Articles 47-78);<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>the cumulative effect of this pattern of\r\nflagrant and extensive violations of the laws of war is to create\r\nthe foundation for the indictment, prosecution, and punishment of\r\nthose individuals responsible, as policy makers, leaders, and as\r\nimplementers at various levels of command;<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>Article 1 of the Geneva Conventions reads:\r\n\"The High Contracting Parties, including US\/UK, undertake to\r\nrespect and ensure respect for the present Convention in all\r\ncircumstances.\" The American legal specialists in Office of the\r\nLegal Counsel in the White House, in the Justice Department, and\r\nDepartment of Defense who advised on the 'legality' of torture and\r\nother behavior that violates the law of war are priority targets\r\nfor indictment and prosecution.<\/li>\r\n<\/ul>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>III. The occupation of Iraq has fragrantly\r\nviolated The Right of Self-Determination of the People of Iraq:<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<ul>\r\n<li>Article 1 of the International Covenant on\r\nEconomic, Social, and Cultural Rights and of the International\r\nCovenant on Political and Civil Rights (1966): \"(1) All peoples\r\nhave the right of self-determination. By virtue of that right they\r\nfreely determine their political status and freely pursue their\r\neconomic, social and cultural development\";<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>It is evident that the occupation, by its\r\ndecrees, practices, imposition of an interim government, managed\r\nelections, and administered constitution-making process has\r\nviolated the right of self-determination of the Iraqi people, a\r\nfundamental element of international human rights law.<\/li>\r\n<\/ul>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>IV. The occupation of Iraq has included\r\nmassive abuses of the Iraqi civilian population, including the\r\nwidespread and pervasive reliance on torture, the practice of which\r\nis unconditionally prohibited by international law:<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<ul>\r\n<li>Article 5 of the Universal Declaration of\r\nHuman Rights: \"No one shall be subjected to torture or cruel,\r\ninhuman or degrading treatment or punishment\" (repeated in Article 7\r\nof International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966),\r\nincluding Article 4(2) that affirms there are no exceptions, even\r\nin conditions of war or emergency) and further confirmed by the\r\nwidely ratified treaty&#65533;- Convention Against Torture and Other\r\nCruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (1984).<\/li>\r\n<\/ul>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>V. The United Nations has failed to uphold\r\nits obligations to protect sovereign states, especially its\r\nmembers, from violations of their legal rights to political\r\nindependence and territorial integrity, passively allowing Iraq to\r\nbe threatened and attacked for twelve years prior to the invasion\r\nof 2003:<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<ul>\r\n<li>the UNSC maintained sanctions on Iraq that\r\nhad a demonstrated genocidal effect on the civilian population\r\nduring the period 1991-2003;<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>the UNSC refrained from censuring and\r\npreventing repeated air strikes within Iraq territory during the\r\nperiod 1991-2003;<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>the UNSC refrained from censuring and\r\npreventing overt calls for the subversion and replacement of the\r\nIraqi government, as well as the financing and training of exiles\r\ndedicated to armed struggle;<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>the UNSC failed to condemn or act to prevent\r\naggressive threats or the actual initiation and conduct of an\r\naggressive war against Iraq in 2003, and has to a limited extent\r\ncooperated in the illegal occupation of Iraq since the invasion\r\n.<\/li>\r\n<\/ul>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\nConclusions\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<ol start=\"1\">\r\n<li>The Jury Statement is consistent with an\r\nobjective understanding of international law, including the United\r\nNations Charter.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>Members of the United Nations and\r\ngovernments of sovereign states have legal obligations to uphold\r\nthe Charter and act to ensure respect for the laws of war.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>All three categories of Nuremberg Crimes are\r\nassociated with the invasion and occupation of Iraq.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>The International Criminal Court should\r\nindict, prosecute, and punish the perpetrators and collaborators\r\nfor this aggression against Iraq and the related international\r\ncrimes arising from the subsequent occupation of the country.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>The ICC should be supplemented by a\r\nspecially constituted international tribunal with authority to\r\nindict, prosecute, and punish for crimes committed before 2002 when\r\nthe ICC was established and to the extent that crimes associated\r\nwith states not Parties to the ICC are not addressed.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>The UNGA should be encouraged to implement\r\ninternational law with respect to the Iraq War and occupation.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>National courts relying on universal\r\njurisdiction should be urged to investigate and prosecute\r\nindividuals associated with Nuremberg Crimes in Iraq.<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>Organs of civil society, including the WTI,\r\nshould act to ensure that the recommendations and conclusions of\r\nthe Jury Statement are promptly and fairly implemented.<\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p>Appendix: List of Legal Documents<\/p>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<ul>\r\n<li>Hague Convention IV Respecting the Laws and\r\nCustoms of War on Land (1907)<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>Protocol for the Prohibition of the use in\r\nWar of Asphyxiating, Poisonous or other Gases, and of\r\nBacteriological Methods (1925)<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>General Treaty ('Pact of Paris') for the\r\nRenunciation of War as an Instrument of National Policy (1928)<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>Universal Declaration of Human Rights\r\n(1948)<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>Geneva Conventions (I-IV) on International\r\nHumanitarian Law (1949)<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>Nuremberg Principles Recognized in the\r\nCharter of the Tribunal and in the Nuremberg Judgment (1950)<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>European Convention on Human Rights and\r\nFundamental Freedoms (1950)<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>Convention on the Prevention and Punishment\r\nof the Crime of Genocide (1948)<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>Convention on the Political Rights of Women\r\n(1953)<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>Code of Conduct for the Armed Forces of the\r\nUnited States of America (1963)<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>International Convention on the Elimination\r\nof all Forms of Racial Discrimination (1965)<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>International Covenant on Economic, Social\r\nand Cultural Rights (1966)<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>International Covenant on Civil and\r\nPolitical Rights (1966)<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>American Convention on Human Rights\r\n(1969)<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>Convention on the Prohibition of the\r\nDevelopment, Production and Stockpiling of Biological Weapons and\r\nToxin Weapons (1972)<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>Universal (or Algiers) Declaration of the\r\nRights of Peoples (1976)<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>Principles of Co-Operation in the Detection,\r\nArrest, Extradition and Punishment of Persons Guilty of War Crimes\r\nor Crimes Against Humanity (1973)<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>Protocol Additional (I-II) to the Geneva\r\nConventions of 1949 (1977)<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>Convention on the Elimination of All Forms\r\nof Discrimination Against Women (1979)<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights\r\n(1981)<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel,\r\nInhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (1984)<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>International Convention Against the\r\nRecruitment, Use, Financing and Training of Mercenaries (1989)<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>Convention on the Rights of the Child\r\n(1989)<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>Convention on the Prohibition of the\r\nDevelopment, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons\r\n(1992)<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>Declaration for the Protection of War\r\nVictims (1993)<\/li>\r\n\r\n<li>Rome Statute of the International Criminal\r\nCourt (1998)<\/li>\r\n<\/ul>\r\n\r\n<p><br>\r\n<\/p>\r\n\r\n<br>\r\n<hr>\r\n<br>\r\n<br>\r\n\r\nSee also: Iraqis Endure Worse Conditions Than Under Saddam, UN Survey Finds<br>\r\n<br>\r\n\n","contact":"","link":"http:\/\/www.worldtribunal.org\/","address":"","phone":"","parent_id":0,"mime_type":"image\/jpeg","summary":"The World Tribunal on Iraq met in Istanbul from 24-26 June 2005. The principal objective of the WTI is to tell and disseminate the truth about the Iraq War, underscoring the accountability of those responsible and underlining the significance of justice for the Iraqi people. \r\nHere is the final declaration of the jury of conscience : \r\n","numcomment":0,"fileurl":"\/uploads\/wti_jury.jpg","filesize":null,"article_url":"\/news\/2005\/08\/133906.php","image":{"original":"\/uploads\/wti_jury.jpg"}},"attachments":[],"comments":[]}