{"article":{"id":17012,"heading":"Media Protect Bush On 9\/11 Security Failure","author":"rwwatch","created":"2002-06-08 17:26:43","modified":"2005-08-15 00:59:08","last_modified":"Mon, 15 Aug 2005 07:59:08","article":"<br>  <br>  <rwwatch>  <br>  <br> Subject: [RWWATCH] Media Protect Bush On 9\/11 Security Failure  <br><br>   <br>  <br> RWWATCH Readers:  <br>  <br> I thought that this story pretty well 'connected the dots' of the Bush  <br>  <br> failures in the 9\/11 tragedy, as well as highlighted the complicity of  <br>  <br> the 'liberal' US media in keeping this news from the American  <br>  <br> public.  <br>  <br> -S  <br><br> ==================================  <br>  <br> Today's commentary:  <br>  <br> http:\/\/www.zmag.org\/sustainers\/content\/2002-05\/29herman.cfm  <br>  <br> ==================================  <br>  <br> ZNet Commentary  <br>  <br> Media Protect Bush On 9\/11 Security Failure  <br>  <br> May 29, 2002  <br>  <br> By Edward Herman  <br><br> The successful terrorist attack on September 11, 2001, represented  <br>  <br> a spectacular failure of the U.S. national security establishment.  <br>  <br> But from the very beginning there was very little media interest in  <br>  <br> examining that failure, although the attack involved extensive  <br>  <br> terrorist preparations within the United States and although the  <br>  <br> federal government (and taxpayers) are paying some $30 billion a  <br>  <br> year on security services, not including the armed forces. &gt; &gt; There  <br>  <br> was a rush to give \"security\" more money, without a detailed  <br>  <br> investigation of the failure and its implications for the efficiency in  <br>  <br> use of the existing vast sums. Little attention was given to locating  <br>  <br> responsibility for this security debacle.  <br><br> There was even a tendency, insofar as any pointing the finger of  <br>  <br> blame was concerned, to find CLINTON guilty for having allegedly  <br>  <br> stinted in pursuing terrorism. This was the main theme of a front  <br>  <br> page article in the Philadelphia Inquirer of January 14 that referred  <br>  <br> only to Clinton's inattention to the subject (Dick Polman, \"Sept. 11  <br>  <br> may taint Clinton's legacy\").  <br><br> There was no mention that the Clintonites had warned Bush  <br>  <br> representatives in January 2001 that Al Qaeda was a real threat  <br>  <br> and should be a priority concern, and there was no suggestion in  <br>  <br> this article, or others castigating Clinton, that maybe Bush, in office  <br>  <br> for eight months at 9\/11, was in any way responsible for the  <br>  <br> security failure during his watch.  <br><br> Part of the reason for this is that the Bush team, after having failed  <br>  <br> the country before 9\/11, engaged in frenzied overkill after 9\/11,  <br>  <br> rushing warships and airplanes to deal with the terror threat in New  <br>  <br> York harbor and elsewhere, engaging in a dragnet operation  <br>  <br> incarcerating and interrogating thousands of alleged suspects or  <br>  <br> potential suspects, declaring a \"war on terrorism,\" calling for more  <br>  <br> arms, etc. &gt; &gt; The mainstream media never pointed out that this  <br>  <br> feverish activity was not only after-the-fact, but possibly designed  <br>  <br> to distract attention from the huge before-the-fact failure.  <br><br> Another reason for the failure to ask questions and investigate is  <br>  <br> that Bush immediately declared himself a \"war president,\" and  <br>  <br> successfully mobilized media and populace to a high yellow-ribbon  <br>  <br> patriotic pitch. This made any criticism of our leader unthinkable for  <br>  <br> many, including the media, and gave Bush a free ride, for a while.  <br><br> After the pre-9\/11 virtual silence on the terror threat, the Bush team  <br>  <br> was finding threats worth publicizing on a weekly basis, perhaps  <br>  <br> aiming to keep war fever high and the possibility of critical  <br>  <br> investigation low.  <br><br> Still another reason for media quiescence is that Bush is a  <br>  <br> Republican president, prized by the business community,  <br>  <br> and by the numerous rightwing pundits (Will, Charen, et al.),  <br>  <br> talk-show hosts (Limbaugh, North, O'Reilly et al.), and media (Wall  <br>  <br> Street Journal, Weekly Standard, Fox Network et al.), so that he is  <br>  <br> a protected person at this point in U.S. history.  <br><br> If the media criticize him severely, even on the basis of serious  <br>  <br> evidence of behavior harmful to the public welfare, the media will  <br>  <br> be assailed by the rightwing echo chamber and by many  <br>  <br> Republicans for \"playing politics\" and \"liberal bias.\"  <br><br> In the case of Democratic President Clinton, by contrast, it was  <br>  <br> possible to play the policy-irrelevant Whitewater and Lewinski  <br>  <br> scandals for years on end, because the echo chamber and  <br>  <br> Republicans were pleased to attack him, and the \"liberal  <br>  <br> media\" happily joined the fray. This could not happen to a Bush,  <br>  <br> even on issues important to policy and public well-being (e.g., his  <br>  <br> link to the Enron scandal, his tainted election by black exclusion  <br>  <br> and a Republican Supreme Court gift, each treated cursorily by the  <br>  <br> media)--and now, his and his administration's responsibility for the  <br>  <br> 9\/11 security failure.  <br><br> It took the mainstream media many months to pick up the story of  <br>  <br> the Bush connection to this security failure, although most of its  <br>  <br> elements have been common knowledge for interested web  <br>  <br> browsers for quite a while. And finally having picked it up, the  <br>  <br> mainstream media are not tying together its various pieces  <br>  <br> and they are showing signs of abandoning the story as no longer of  <br>  <br> any interest, in accord with the election abuse model (see Greg  <br>  <br> Palast's chapter in _The Best Democracy Money Can Buy_ on \"Jim  <br>  <br> Crow in Cyberspace: The Unreported Story of How They Fixed the  <br>  <br> Vote in Florida\").  <br><br> The key elements in this story can be divided into three parts. First,  <br>  <br> is the story of the warnings to the Bush administration that Bin  <br>  <br> Laden and Al Qaeda were planning a terrorist act, possibly  <br>  <br> including the use of hijacked aircraft to attack facilities like the  <br>  <br> Pentagon and White House. These warnings date back at least to  <br>  <br> 1996, but became acute and difficult to ignore in the six months  <br>  <br> before 9\/11--that is, during Bush II's tenure.  <br><br> They included explicit warnings from foreign governments including  <br>  <br> Israel, Britain, Russia, Germany, France, Jordan, and Morocco, all  <br>  <br> advising of a serious imminent terrorist attack on the United States.  <br>  <br> These even included explicit warnings of plans \"to hijack  <br>  <br> commercial aircraft and use them as weapons to attack important  <br>  <br> symbols of American and Israeli culture\" (a Mossad message of  <br>  <br> August 24).  <br><br> There was the now well-publicized message from FBI agent  <br>  <br> Kenneth Williams in Phoenix warning that suspicious persons were  <br>  <br> taking air flight training; the finding in early August 2001 that  <br>  <br> Zacarias Moussaoui was taking such training but showing a  <br>  <br> disinterest in taking off and landing; and the disclosure that the FBI  <br>  <br> had been aware for several years that Al Qaeda was using U.S.  <br>  <br> flying schools to train its cadres.  <br><br> These and several other warnings were sufficient to cause  <br>  <br> Attorney-General John Ashcroft to avoid commercial airlines from  <br>  <br> late July. A minimally alert and competent security service  <br>  <br> concerned with terrorism and the public welfare would have  <br>  <br> invested serious resources in tracking down this threat, trying to  <br>  <br> prevent it, and preparing the airlines and public.  <br><br> A second element in the story is the revelation that the Bush  <br>  <br> administration had actually carried out negotiations with the  <br>  <br> Taliban into August 2001, attempting to get agreement to a pipeline  <br>  <br> through Afghanistan. Only then did the administration break off  <br>  <br> relations and threaten an attack and invasion. What is more, the  <br>  <br> Bush family had links to the Bin Laden family through the Carlyle  <br>  <br> group, with the Bin Ladens investors in that group until sometime in  <br>  <br> 2001.  <br><br> The book _Bin Laden: The Forbidden Truth_, published in France  <br>  <br> in  <br>  <br> November 2001, by Jean-Charles Brisard and Guillaume Dasquie,  <br>  <br> not only describes the Bush II dealings with and willingness to  <br>  <br> accept the Taliban if it would cooperate with oil industry plans, it  <br>  <br> cites John O'Neill, the principal FBI official working on the pursuit of  <br>  <br> Bin Laden, who claimed to have resigned in disgust in August  <br>  <br> 2001, because his pursuit of Bin Laden had been hamstrung by the  <br>  <br> Bush administration, in his view because of their links to Saudi  <br>  <br> Arabia.  <br><br> Such constraints and tendency to appease both Saudi Arabia and  <br>  <br> the  <br>  <br> Taliban are supported by other evidence. Other FBI agents and  <br>  <br> officials have come forward to describe the FBI's foot-dragging and  <br>  <br> unwillingness to act (notable is the Minneapolis office's inability to  <br>  <br> get the FBI to obtain a warrant to examine Moussaoie's apartment  <br>  <br> and computer).  <br><br> FBI and military intelligence claimed that \"there were always  <br>  <br> constraints in investigating the Saudis\" and that \"the restrictions  <br>  <br> became worse after the Bush administration took over\" (Palast and  <br>  <br> Pallister, Guardian, Nov. 7, 2001).  <br><br> It is interesting also that, with the approval of the FBI, several  <br>  <br> dozen U.S.-based members of the Bin Laden family were permitted  <br>  <br> to leave the United states shortly after 9\/11, even as many  <br>  <br> hundreds of Arabs were being picked up for interrogation on  <br>  <br> possible links to Bin Laden. In short, it is possible that the lack of  <br>  <br> even modest initiative in examining the Bin Laden terror threat was  <br>  <br> rooted in Bush family and Bush II policy conflict of interest.  <br><br> The third element in the case is that the Bush administration's  <br>  <br> budget request submitted on September 10, 2001, cut $58 million  <br>  <br> from the FBI's request for money to hire more counter-intelligence  <br>  <br> agents. This points up the fact that, despite all the warnings of a  <br>  <br> serious terrorist threat, and despite the need for personnel to  <br>  <br> penetrate organizations like Al Qaeda, the Bush administraion still  <br>  <br> \"didn't get it\" one day before 9\/11.  <br><br> The media's treatment of this serious failure that cost some 3,000  <br>  <br> U.S. lives has been Bush-protective and irresponsible.  <br><br> Not only were the media late in coming to the story, when they got  <br>  <br> there, after giving some important facts on the Phoenix memo, the  <br>  <br> earlier warnings of Al Qaeda flight training, the Minneapolis fiasco,  <br>  <br> they quickly allowed the Bush administration to get away with  <br>  <br> claims that the warnings \"weren't specific,\" the Democrats were  <br>  <br> \"politicizing\" the question (by asking questions!), and that the  <br>  <br> important thing was to stop this politicking and focusing on \"what  <br>  <br> really matters, which is preventing another assault by Osama Bin  <br>  <br> Laden\" (NYT ed., May 21, 2002)  <br><br> The New York Times had another editorial on \"The Blame Game\"  <br>  <br> (May 21), Thomas Friedman urged \"Cool It!\" (May 22), and R. J.  <br>  <br> Apple, Jr. did the same (\"Gotcha! One Cheer for Politics as Usual\",  <br>  <br> May 19).  <br><br> The Philadelphia Inquirer gave a front-page feature story to the  <br>  <br> blowing over of this unfortunate fuss (\"One storm over 9\/11 that  <br>  <br> quickly blew over,\" May 21), and it played down the story editorially  <br>  <br> as well.  <br><br> This is the same paper that not only exploited the Lewinski story to  <br>  <br> the hilt, and even called for Clinton's resignation over that incident,  <br>  <br> it also gave more attention and indignation to Clinton's pardons  <br>  <br> than to the Bush-Supreme Court election coup d'etat. The New  <br>  <br> York Times also featured Lewinski at great length, and while  <br>  <br> acknowledging its political component, still treated that purely  <br>  <br> political vendetta with rather more seriousness than the present  <br>  <br> Bush scandal of substance.  <br><br> Perhaps more important, the media have not examined and tied  <br>  <br> together all the elements of the story. They have failed to look at  <br>  <br> the charges that the Bush administration was trying to do business  <br>  <br> with the Taliban until into August, and that it's (and the Bush  <br>  <br> family's) links to the Saudis constrained investigations into terrorist  <br>  <br> connections.  <br><br> Paula Zahn mentioned the Brisard-Dasquie book on Bin Laden in  <br>  <br> an interview with Richard Butler on January 8, 2002, and its theme  <br>  <br> of Bush dealings with the Taliban and John O'Neill's resignation  <br>  <br> because of investigatory constraints, but she didn't push it far at all,  <br>  <br> and the story was not picked up in the mainstream elsewhere. The  <br>  <br> media have also failed to tie the Bush failure with his budget action  <br>  <br> of sharply cutting the FBI counter- intelligence budget on  <br>  <br> September 10.  <br><br> In sum, there was a three-pronged security failure of great  <br>  <br> seriousness: a failure to take obvious leads and do something  <br>  <br> about  <br>  <br> them; a possible conflict of interest that may explain this foot-  <br>  <br> dragging; and a day-before-9\/11 budget decision that shows a  <br>  <br> degree of incompetence and misplaced priorities that is staggering.  <br><br> The media have failed to discuss two of the three prongs in the  <br>  <br> story, which has helped them minimize the seriousness of this Bush  <br>  <br> failure, just as they downplayed his election theft and dealings with  <br>  <br> Enron.  <br><br> The system works, but not in the public interest.  <br><br>  <br>  <br> =============================================================  <br>  <br> | RWWatch is a tightly moderated forum for responding to right  <br>  <br> | wing campaigns that rely on widespread circulation of inacc-  <br>  <br> | urate information. To submit something, please send it to:  <br>  <br> | rwwatch@democracygroups.org  <br>  <br> | To subscribe or unsubscribe, please see the web page:  <br>  <br> | http:\/\/lists.democracygroups.org\/mailman\/listinfo\/rwwatch  <br>  <br> |------------------------------------------------------------  <br>  <br> | (c) 2002: feel free to redistribute this message as long as  <br>  <br> | our address and subscription information are included.  <br>  <br> |------------------------------------------------------------  <br><br> RWWatch is a project of Organizers' Collaborative, an organization  <br>  <br> using technology to enhance grassroots organizing, research,  <br>  <br> and movement building by organizations working for social change.  <br><br>   <br>  <br> <\/rwwatch>\n","contact":"","link":"","address":"","phone":"","parent_id":0,"mime_type":"text\/plain","summary":"Once again the neoConservative media is the problem.","numcomment":0,"fileurl":"\/uploads\/2002\/06\/media_prot.txt","filesize":"13.1 kibibytes","article_url":"\/news\/2002\/06\/17012.php"},"attachments":[],"comments":[]}