{"article":{"id":12657,"heading":"all rights reversed\rTerror Law Foes Mull Strategies \rBy Declan McCullagh","author":"bushwhacked","created":"2001-11-05 17:59:13","modified":"2005-08-15 00:42:46","last_modified":"Mon, 15 Aug 2005 07:42:46","article":"<br>  <br> Terror Law Foes Mull Strategies  <br>  <br> By Declan McCullagh  <br><br> 2:00 a.m. Nov. 3, 2001 PST  <br><br> President Bush recently signed a massive anti-terrorism bill, granting investigators unprecedented powers that have been <br>  <br> applauded by police groups but condemned by civil libertarians.  <br><br> Because parts of the spy law are so invasive that they arguably violate Americans' privacy rights, opponents of the <br>  <br> so-called USA Patriot Act have begun to weigh how to mount a legal challenge.  <br><br>  <br><br>  <br><br> See also: <br>  <br> FBI Terror Detentions Questioned  <br>  <br> Terror Act Has Lasting Effects  <br>  <br> America v. Terrorism: All the Facts  <br>  <br> Lycos' America Rebuilds Resource Page  <br>  <br> Conflict 2001: Fresh Perspectives  <br><br>  <br><br>  <br><br>  <br>  <br> \"These things are certainly being discussed and assessed,\" says David Sobel, general counsel for the Electronic Privacy <br>  <br> Information Center in Washington, D.C.  <br><br> But, says Sobel, there's only one problem: An immediate lawsuit asking a federal judge to declare the anti-terrorism act <br>  <br> unconstitutional faces an uphill battle.  <br><br> Any legal challenge would focus on the Constitution's Fourth Amendment, which explicitly forbids \"unreasonable searches <br>  <br> and seizures\" -- while implicitly permitting reasonable ones. Since the anti-terrorism law lets police obtain court approval to <br>  <br> sneak into someone's house or office, rummage through the contents and leave without telling the owner, opponents could <br>  <br> argue such a search was \"unreasonable.\"  <br><br> A court challenge would proceed along one of two paths: A lawsuit filed in the near future that says secret searches and <br>  <br> enhanced wiretapping powers are blatantly unconstitutional and should be struck down, or a case that eventually arises out <br>  <br> of a prosecution.  <br><br> The first approach, called a facial challenge and successfully used by opponents of the 1996 Communications Decency Act, <br>  <br> is said to be far less likely to succeed.  <br><br> \"At least in terms of the surveillance provisions, there are not any obvious opportunities for facial challenges,\" says Jim <br>  <br> Dempsey, an attorney at the Center for Democracy and Technology. \"Outside of the First Amendment (area), facial <br>  <br> challenges are usually difficult. I think that case-by-case challenges are possible.\"  <br><br> Dempsey says the second approach -- spurred by a criminal prosecution involving, say, secret searches or the use of a <br>  <br> shadowy court that meets in the bowels of the Justice Department -- is more promising.  <br><br> In June, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled 5-4 that police could not snoop on Americans' homes using thermal imaging <br>  <br> devices without obtaining a warrant first. The high court could take a similar approach in a prosecution involving the <br>  <br> anti-terrorism law and decide that certain police methods authorized by the law are unconstitutional.  <br><br> Cliff Fishman, a law professor at Catholic University, says he supports the law and predicts that there is little \"likelihood <br>  <br> that this Supreme Court would overthrow any provisions. The court has made it clear that the government has the right to <br>  <br> these powers.\"  <br><br> One especially controversial part of the anti-terrorism law is how it expands a secret court -- created in 1978 by the Foreign <br>  <br> Intelligence Surveillance Act -- and permits the court's search warrants and eavesdropping orders to apply in domestic <br>  <br> investigations. Since the investigations are intended for intelligence purposes, not law enforcement, the FISA judges don't <br>  <br> have to follow the Fourth Amendment.  <br><br> Fishman says that \"if the government uses that change in language as a way to use FISA as end-run around (the Fourth <br>  <br> Amendment), then there is a distinct possibility the court is going to shoot it down.\"  <br><br> Antonio Perez, also a law professor at Catholic University, agrees. Perez says a possible approach for a constitutional <br>  <br> challenge is \"in the sections on collection of information, if it's collected under the lax intelligence protections and it's used <br>  <br> for criminal prosecution.\"  <br><br> \"We don't expect there will be any immediate litigation here,\" says Barry Steinhardt, the associate director of the American <br>  <br> Civil Liberties Union. \"There will be litigation down the road. The real law will be made on appeal in criminal prosecutions.\"  <br><br> One section of the new law that could be challenged states that the Justice Department can order an Internet provider to <br>  <br> install the FBI's Carnivore surveillance system and record addresses of Web pages visited and e-mail correspondents -- <br>  <br> without going to a judge. Previously, there were stiffer legal restrictions on Carnivore and other Internet surveillance <br>  <br> techniques.  <br><br> Also, any Internet provider or telephone company must turn over customer information, including phone numbers called -- <br>  <br> no court order required -- if the FBI claims that the \"records sought are relevant to an authorized investigation to protect <br>  <br> against international terrorism.\" The company contacted may not \"disclose to any person\" that the FBI is doing an <br>  <br> investigation.  <br><br> Legal experts say one problem with a constitutional attack on the law is that so much of the eavesdropping is taking place <br>  <br> covertly -- meaning police may collect vast amounts of information but never use it in a prosecution. The FBI already has <br>  <br> indicated how tight-lipped it plans to be: It had refused to release information on over 1,000 people detained after the <br>  <br> Sep. 11 terrorist attacks.  <br><br> \"Typically, Fourth Amendment issues are raised in the context of a specific criminal prosecution,\" says EPIC's Sobel. \"But <br>  <br> it's not clear that there will be such prosecutions here because so many powers are tied to intelligence gathering that's not <br>  <br> tied to criminal investigations.\"  <br><br> Previously, when the FBI wiretapped an American citizen, the target was supposed to find out about it -- either by being <br>  <br> prosecuted or through a notice the police were legally obliged to send after the surveillance was complete. But under FISA <br>  <br> investigations, the right of notice does not apply.  <br><br> \"I trust the professionals in law enforcement,\" says Fishman, the Catholic University professor. \"We have to hope that the <br>  <br> FBI is conscientious, and that's all we can ask.\" \n","contact":"http:\/\/www.wired.com\/news\/conflict\/0,2100,48120,00.html","link":"","address":"","phone":"","parent_id":0,"mime_type":"text\/plain","summary":"Will the FBI be able to keep its brand new set of eavesdropping and surveillance powers?","numcomment":0,"fileurl":"\/uploads\/2001\/11\/all_rights.txt","filesize":"6.0 kibibytes","article_url":"\/news\/2001\/11\/12657.php"},"attachments":[],"comments":[]}