{"article":{"id":11231,"heading":"ACLU on Online Security ETC","author":"ACLU (via ACLU-SC)","created":"2001-10-05 06:41:45","modified":"2015-12-18 10:15:28","last_modified":"Fri, 18 Dec 2015 17:15:28","article":"<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC \"-\/\/W3C\/\/DTD HTML 4.0 Transitional\/\/EN\" \"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/TR\/REC-html40\/loose.dtd\">\n<html><body><br><br>                                 House 'Compromise' Terrorism Bill Fails  <br>  <br>                                           to Protect Civil Liberties;  <br>  <br>                              ACLU Says Many Provisions Go Far Beyond  <br>  <br>                                             Anti-Terrorism Needs  <br><br>        FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE <br>  <br>        Monday, October 1, 2001  <br><br>        WASHINGTON - The American Civil Liberties Union today urged the House of Representatives to reject proposed \"compromise\" <br>  <br>        anti-terrorism legislation, saying that many of its provisions continue to go far beyond any powers conceivably necessary to fight <br>  <br>        terrorism in the United States. <br><br>        \"This legislation still does not meet the basic test of maximizing our security with minimizing the impact on our civil liberties,\" said <br>  <br>        Laura W. Murphy, Director of the ACLU's Washington National Office. \"The compromise bill would have a long-term negative <br>  <br>        impact on basic freedom in America that cannot be justified.\" <br><br>        Among the bill's most troubling provisions, the ACLU said, are measures that would allow for indefinite detention without <br>  <br>        meaningful judicial review to non-citizens ordered removed from the country and minimize judicial supervision of electronic <br>  <br>        surveillance by law enforcement authorities. Another troubling provision would expand the already broad definition of terrorism, <br>  <br>        which could lead to large-scale investigations of American citizens for engaging in civil disobedience. <br><br>        \"Unless the significant civil liberties issues are resolved by the House Judiciary Committee,\" said Gregory T. Nojeim, Associate <br>  <br>        Director of the ACLU's Washington Office, \"we will urge members of Congress to oppose this legislation.\" <br><br>        Following are highlights of the civil liberties implications of the compromise legislation introduced by Judiciary Committee <br>  <br>        Chairman James Sensenbrenner, R-WI, and Ranking Minority Member John Conyers, D-MI: <br><br>        Immigration  <br><br>        The ACLU said that the new Sensenbrenner-Conyers bill would confer new and unprecedented detention authority on the Attorney <br>  <br>        General based on vague and unspecified predictions of threats to the national security. <br><br>        Specifically, the ACLU said that the new legislation would permit the indefinite administrative detention of any non-citizen ordered <br>  <br>        deported to a country that would not accept him or her, based merely on the Attorney General's certification that he has \"reasonable <br>  <br>        grounds to believe\" the non-citizen endangers national security. <br><br>        \"Very few countries will agree to take back one of their citizens if the United States has labeled him a terrorist,\" Nojeim said. \"Even <br>  <br>        though it says it has compromised on indefinite detention, under this legislation, the Administration still achieves the same result of <br>  <br>        being able to imprison indefinitely someone who has never been convicted of a crime.\" <br><br>        In addition, the ACLU said that the legislation provides for no meaningful review of the Attorney General's certification because the <br>  <br>        standards for the certification are so vague that judges would have no yardstick for which to judge the appropriateness of the <br>  <br>        detention and the review could be had only once, not years later while the non-citizen remained detained based on a stale <br>  <br>        determination by the Attorney General.  <br><br>        The ACLU also said that the new Sensenbrenner-Conyers bill would endanger the family members of asylum seekers by allowing <br>  <br>        the Secretary of State to inform the government of the country alleged to engage in persecution that he was seeking asylum. As a <br>  <br>        result, people entitled to asylum would not seek protection out of fear that the persecuting government would attack family members <br>  <br>        and colleagues left behind. <br><br>        Wiretapping and Intelligence Surveillance <br><br>        On the question of wiretapping and intelligence surveillance, the ACLU said that the wiretapping proposals in the <br>  <br>        Sensenbrenner-Conyers legislation continue to sound two themes: they minimize the role of a judge in ensuring that law <br>  <br>        enforcement wiretapping is conducted legally and with proper justification, and they permit use of intelligence investigative authority <br>  <br>        to by-pass normal criminal procedures that protect privacy. <br><br>        The ACLU said that it was specifically concerned about the following provisions of the new Sensenbrenner-Conyers legislation:  <br><br>        1. The bill would allow the government to use its intelligence gathering power to circumvent the standard that must be met for <br>  <br>        criminal wiretaps. Currently FISA surveillance, which does not contain many of the same checks and balances that govern wiretaps <br>  <br>        for criminal purposes, can be used only when foreign intelligence gathering is the primary purpose. The compromise bill would <br>  <br>        allow use of FISA surveillance authority even if the primary purpose is a criminal investigation if intelligence surveillance remained a <br>  <br>        \"significant\" purpose.  <br><br>        2. Under current law, a law enforcement agent can get a pen register or trap and trace order requiring the telephone company to reveal <br>  <br>        the numbers dialed to and from a particular phone. It must simply certify that the information to be obtained is \"relevant to an <br>  <br>        ongoing criminal investigation.\" This is a very low level of proof, far less than probable cause. The judge must grant the order upon <br>  <br>        receiving the certification. The new bill would extend this low threshold of proof to Internet communications that are far more <br>  <br>        revealing than numbers dialed on a phone. For example, it would apparently apply to law enforcement efforts to determine what <br>  <br>        websites a person had visited. This is like giving law enforcement the power - based only on its own certification -- to require the <br>  <br>        librarian to report on the books you had perused while visiting the public library. This is extending a low standard of proof - far less <br>  <br>        than probable cause -- to \"content\" information.  <br><br>        3. In allowing for \"nationwide service\" of pen register and trap and trace orders, the bill would further marginalize the role of the <br>  <br>        judiciary. It would authorize what would be the equivalent of a blank warrant in the physical world: the court issues the order, and the <br>  <br>        law enforcement agent fills in the places to be searched. This is not consistent with the important Fourth Amendment privacy <br>  <br>        protection of requiring that warrants specify the place to be searched. Under this legislation, a judge would be unable to meaningfully <br>  <br>        monitor the extent to which her order was being used to access information about Internet communications. The Senate amendment <br>  <br>        to the Commerce, Justice and State Appropriations bill included a similar provision. <br><br>        The ACLU noted that the FBI already has broad authority to monitor telephone and Internet communications. Most of the changes <br>  <br>        proposed in the bill would apply not just to surveillance of terrorists, but instead to all surveillance in the United States. <br><br>        Law enforcement authorities -- even when they are required to obtain court orders - have great leeway under current law to investigate <br>  <br>        suspects in terrorist attacks. Current law already provides, for example, that wiretaps can be obtained for the crimes involved in <br>  <br>        terrorist attacks, including destruction of aircraft and aircraft piracy. <br><br>        The FBI also already has authority to intercept these communications without showing probable cause of crime for \"intelligence\" <br>  <br>        purposes under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. Little is known about the extent of this wiretapping, other than that FISA <br>  <br>        wiretaps now exceed wiretapping for all domestic criminal investigations. The standards for obtaining a FISA wiretap are lower than <br>  <br>        the standards for obtaining a criminal wiretap. <br><br>        Criminal Justice <br><br>        One of the overarching problems with the bill is the very broad definition of \"terrorism\" that already exists under federal law. <br><br>        Under the original Administration provision - and remaining in the Sensenbrenner-Conyers legislation - the broad definition of <br>  <br>        terrorism combined with the proposed harsher criminal penalties could lead to thousands of protestors at an anti-war rally to be <br>  <br>        labeled as conspirators in a terrorist plot. <br><br>        Even House Intelligence Committee Chairman Porter Goss, R-FL, told the Los Angeles Times that he is troubled by the implications <br>  <br>        of a broad definition of terrorism. \"The trouble is, 'terrorism' is a very broad word and it lends itself to a lot of mischief for people <br>  <br>        who would abuse common sense,\" he told the Times.  <br><br>        The ACLU said it supports limiting the definition of terrorism to cases involving death or serious bodily injury. <br><br>        The other major concern is that the bill allows for the broad sharing of sensitive information with intelligence agencies, including the <br>  <br>        CIA, the NSA, the INS and the Secret Service. It would permit sharing information gathered through wiretaps and confidential grand <br>  <br>        jury information without any safeguards regarding the future use or dissemination of such information. <br><br>        \"In sum,\" the ACLU's Murphy said, \"the proposed compromise legislation does include some improvements from the <br>  <br>        Administration's original legislation. But we are still deeply concerned that the compromise measure continues to weaken essential <br>  <br>        checks and balances on the authority of federal law enforcement in a manner that is unwarranted.\" <br>  <br> \n<\/body><\/html>\n","contact":"www.aclu.org","link":"","address":"http:\/\/www.aclu.org","phone":"","parent_id":0,"mime_type":"text\/plain","summary":"An excelent summary of problems the ACLU has with these legilations","numcomment":0,"fileurl":"\/uploads\/2001\/10\/aclu_on_on.txt","filesize":"9.6 kibibytes","article_url":"\/news\/2001\/10\/11231.php"},"attachments":[],"comments":[]}