{"article":{"id":9382,"heading":"Why is NATO in Yugoslavia; or the struggle of capitalism....","author":"Sean Gervasi","created":"2001-08-20 15:55:13","modified":"2005-08-15 00:37:35","last_modified":"Mon, 15 Aug 2005 07:37:35","article":"<p>Subject: WHY IS NATO IN YUGOSLAVIA? <br><br> WHY IS NATO IN YUGOSLAVIA? <br><br>           A Paper Delivered to the Conference on the  <br>  <br> Enlargement of NATO <br>  <br>                     in Eastern Europe and the  <br>  <br> Mediterrenean <br>  <br>                            Prague, Czech Republic <br>  <br>                             January 1314, 1996  <br><br>                                Sean Gervasi <br><br>                   Institute of International Politics  <br>  <br> and Economics <br>  <br>                                  Belgrade <br><br> Introduction <br><br> The North Atlantic Treaty Organization has recently sent  <br>  <br> a large task force into <br>  <br> Yugoslavia, <br>  <br> ostensibly to enforce a settlement of the Bosnian war  <br>  <br> arrived at in Dayton, Ohio <br>  <br> at the end of 1995. <br>  <br> This task force is said to consist of some 60,000 men,  <br>  <br> equipped with tanks, <br>  <br> armor and artillery. It is <br>  <br> backed by formidable air and naval forces. In fact, if  <br>  <br> one takes account of all <br>  <br> the support forces <br>  <br> involved, including forces deployed in nearby countries,  <br>  <br> it is clear that at <br>  <br> least two hundred thousand <br>  <br> troops are involved. This figure has been confirmed by  <br>  <br> U. S. defense sources. [ <br>  <br> 1 ] .  <br><br> By any standards, the sending of a large Western  <br>  <br> military force into Central and <br>  <br> lSastern Europe is <br>  <br> a remarkable enterprise, even in the fluid situation  <br>  <br> created by the supposed end <br>  <br> of the Cold War. <br>  <br> The Ball:an task force represents not only the first  <br>  <br> major NATO military <br>  <br> operation, but a major <br>  <br> operation staged \"out of area\", that is, outside the  <br>  <br> boundaries originally <br>  <br> established for NATO <br>  <br> military action.  <br><br> However, the sending of NATO troops into the Balkans is  <br>  <br> the result of enormous <br>  <br> pressure for the <br>  <br> general extension of NATO eastwards.  <br><br> If the Yugoslav enterprise is the first concrete step in  <br>  <br> the expansion of NATO, <br>  <br> others are planned <br>  <br> for the near future. Some Western powers want to bring  <br>  <br> the Visegrad countries <br>  <br> into NATO as full <br>  <br> members by the end of the century. There was resistance  <br>  <br> to the pressures for <br>  <br> such extension <br>  <br> among certain Western countries for some time. However,  <br>  <br> the recalcitrants have <br>  <br> now been <br>  <br> bludgeoned into accepting the alleged necessity of  <br>  <br> extending NATO.  <br><br> The question is: why are the Western powers pressing for  <br>  <br> the expansion of NATO? <br>  <br> Why is NATO <br>  <br> being renewed and extended when the \"Soviet threat\" has  <br>  <br> disappeared? There is <br>  <br> clearly much more <br>  <br> to it than we have so far been told. The enforcement of  <br>  <br> a precarious peace in <br>  <br> Bosnia is only the <br>  <br> immediate reason for sending NATO forces into the  <br>  <br> Balkans.  <br><br> There are deeper reasons for the dispatch of NATO forces  <br>  <br> to the Balkans, and <br>  <br> especially for the <br>  <br> extension of NATO to Poland, the Czech Republic and  <br>  <br> Hungary in the relatively <br>  <br> near future. These <br>  <br> have to do with an emerging strategy for securing the  <br>  <br> resources of the Caspian <br>  <br> Sea region and for <br>  <br> \"stabilizing\" the countries of Eastern Europe --  <br>  <br> ultimately for \"stabilizing\" <br>  <br> Russia and the countries of <br>  <br> the Commonwealth of Independent States. This is, to put  <br>  <br> it mildly, an extremely <br>  <br> ambitious and <br>  <br> potentially selfcontradictory policy. And it is  <br>  <br> important to pose some basic <br>  <br> questions about the <br>  <br> reasons being given for pursuing it.  <br><br> For the idea of \"stabilizing\" the countries which  <br>  <br> formerly constituted the <br>  <br> Socialist bloc in Europe does <br>  <br> not simply mean ensuring political stability there,  <br>  <br> ensuring that the regimes <br>  <br> which replaced Socialism <br>  <br> remain in place. It also means ensuring that economic  <br>  <br> and social conditions <br>  <br> remain unchanged. And, <br>  <br> since the socalled transition to democracy in the  <br>  <br> countries affected has in <br>  <br> fact led to an incipient <br>  <br> deindustrialization and a collapse of living standards  <br>  <br> for the majority, the <br>  <br> question arises whether it is <br>  <br> really desirable.  <br><br> The question is all the more pertinent since  <br>  <br> \"stabilization\", in the sense in <br>  <br> which it is used in the <br>  <br> West, means reproducing in the former Socialist bloc  <br>  <br> countries economic and <br>  <br> social conditions <br>  <br> which are similar to the economic and social conditions  <br>  <br> currently prevailing in <br>  <br> the West. The <br>  <br> economies of the Western industrial nations are, in  <br>  <br> fact, in a state of <br>  <br> semicollapse, although the <br>  <br> governments of those countires would never really  <br>  <br> acknowledge the fact. <br>  <br> Nonetheless, any <br>  <br> reasonably objective assessment of the economic  <br>  <br> situation in the West leads to <br>  <br> this conclusion. And <br>  <br> that conclusion is supported by official statistics and  <br>  <br> most analyses coming <br>  <br> from mainstream <br>  <br> economists.  <br><br> It is also clear, as well, that the attempt to  <br>  <br> \"stabilize\" the former Socialist <br>  <br> bloc countries is creating <br>  <br> considerable tension with Russia, and potentially with  <br>  <br> other countries. Not a <br>  <br> few commentators have <br>  <br> made the point that Western actions in extending NATO  <br>  <br> even raise the risks of <br>  <br> nuclear conflict. [2]  <br><br> It is enough to raise these questions briefly to see  <br>  <br> that the extension of NATO <br>  <br> which has, de facto, <br>  <br> begun in Yugoslavia and is being proposed for other  <br>  <br> countries is to a large <br>  <br> extent based on confused <br>  <br> and even irrational reasoning. One is tempted to say  <br>  <br> that it results from the <br>  <br> fear and willfulness of <br>  <br> certain ruling groups. To put it most bluntly, why  <br>  <br> should the world see any <br>  <br> benefit in the enforced <br>  <br> extension to other countries of the economic and social  <br>  <br> chaos which prevails in <br>  <br> the West, and why <br>  <br> should it see any benefit in that when the very process  <br>  <br> itself increases the <br>  <br> risks of nuclear war?  <br><br> The purposes of this paper are to describe what lies  <br>  <br> behind the current efforts <br>  <br> to extend NATO and <br>  <br> to raise some basic questions about whether this makes  <br>  <br> any sense, in both the <br>  <br> narrow and deeper <br>  <br> meanings of the term.  <br><br> NATO in Yugoslavia <br><br> The North Atlantic Treaty Organization was founded in  <br>  <br> 1949 with the stated <br>  <br> purpose of protecting <br>  <br> Western Europe from possible military aggression by the  <br>  <br> Soviet Union and its <br>  <br> allies.  <br><br> W'th the dissolution of the Communist regimes in the  <br>  <br> former Socialist bloc in <br>  <br> 1990 and 1991, there <br>  <br> was no longer any possibility of such aggression, if  <br>  <br> there ever really had been. <br>  <br> The changes in the <br>  <br> former Communist countries made NATO redundant. Its  <br>  <br> raison d'etre had vanished. <br>  <br> Yet certain <br>  <br> groups within the NATO countries began almost  <br>  <br> immediately to press for a <br>  <br> \"renovation\" of NATO <br>  <br> and even for its extension into Central and Eastern  <br>  <br> Europe. They began to <br>  <br> elaborate new rationales <br>  <br> which would permit the continuation of business as  <br>  <br> usual.  <br><br> The most important of these was the idea that, with the  <br>  <br> changes brought about by <br>  <br> the end of the <br>  <br> Cold War, the Western countries nonetheless faced new  <br>  <br> \"security challenges\" <br>  <br> outside the traditional <br>  <br> NATO area which justified the perpetuation of the  <br>  <br> organization. The spokesmen <br>  <br> for this point of <br>  <br> view argued that NATO had to find new missions to  <br>  <br> justify its existence.  <br><br> The implicit premise was that NATO had to be preserved  <br>  <br> in order to ensure the <br>  <br> leadership of the <br>  <br> United States in European and world affairs. This was  <br>  <br> certainly one of the <br>  <br> reasons behind the <br>  <br> largescale Western intervention  in which the  <br>  <br> participation of US NATO <br>  <br> partners was <br>  <br> relatively meagre  in Kuwait and Iraq in 1990 and  <br>  <br> 1991. The coalition which <br>  <br> fought against Iraq <br>  <br> was cobbled together with great difficulty. But it was  <br>  <br> seen by the United States <br>  <br> government as <br>  <br> necessary for the credibility of the US within the  <br>  <br> Western alliance as well as <br>  <br> in world affairs.  <br><br> The slogan put forward by the early supporters of NATO  <br>  <br> enlargement was \"NATO: <br>  <br> out of area or <br>  <br> out of business\", which made the point, although not the  <br>  <br> argument, as plainly as <br>  <br> it could be made. [3] <br><br> Yugoslavia has also been a test case, and obviously a  <br>  <br> much more important one. <br>  <br> The Yugoslav <br>  <br> crisis exploded on the edge of Europe, and the Western  <br>  <br> European nations had to <br>  <br> do something about <br>  <br> it. Germany and the United States, on the other hand,  <br>  <br> while seeming to support <br>  <br> the idea of ending <br>  <br> the civil wars in Yugoslavia, in fact did everything  <br>  <br> they could to prolong them, <br>  <br> especially the war. in <br>  <br> Bosnia. t41 Their actions perpetuated and steadily  <br>  <br> deepened the Yugoslav crisis.  <br><br> It is important to recognize that, almost from the  <br>  <br> beginning of the Yugoslav <br>  <br> crisis, NATO sought to <br>  <br> involve itself. That involvement was obvious in 1993  <br>  <br> when NATO begari to support <br>  <br> UNPROFOR <br>  <br> operations in Yugoslavia, especially in the matter of  <br>  <br> the blockade against the <br>  <br> Federal Republic of <br>  <br> Yugoslavia and the enforcement of a nofly zone in  <br>  <br> Bosnian airspace.  <br><br> That involvement, however, had much smaller beginnings,  <br>  <br> and it must be <br>  <br> remembered that NATO <br>  <br> as an organization was involved in the war in  <br>  <br> Bosnia-Herzegovina at a very early <br>  <br> stage. In 1992, <br>  <br> NATO sent a group of about 100 personnel to  <br>  <br> BosniaHerzegovina, where they <br>  <br> established a <br>  <br> military headquarters at Kiseliak, a short distance from  <br>  <br> Sarajevo. Ostensibly, <br>  <br> they were sent to help <br>  <br> United Nations forces in Bosnia.  <br><br> It was obvious, however, that there was another purpose.  <br>  <br> A NATO diplomat <br>  <br> described the <br>  <br> operation to INTELLIGENCE DIGEST in the following terms  <br>  <br> at the time: <br>  <br> \"This is a very cautious first step, and we are  <br>  <br> definitely not making much noise <br>  <br> about it. But it <br>  <br> could be the start of something bigger...You could argue  <br>  <br> that NATO now has a <br>  <br> foot in the <br>  <br> door. Whether we manage to open the door is not sure,  <br>  <br> but we have made a start.\" <br>  <br> [4].  <br><br> It seems clear that NATO commanders were already  <br>  <br> anticipating the possibility <br>  <br> that resistance to <br>  <br> US and German pressures would be overcome and that  <br>  <br> NATO's role in Yugoslavia <br>  <br> would be <br>  <br> gradually expanded.  <br><br> Thus NATO was working to create a major \"out of area\"  <br>  <br> mission almost from the <br>  <br> time that the war <br>  <br> in BosniaHerzegovina began. The recent dispatch of tens  <br>  <br> of thousands of troops <br>  <br> to Bosnia, <br>  <br> Austria, Hungary, Croatia and Serbia is thus simply the  <br>  <br> culmination of a process <br>  <br> which began almost <br>  <br> four years ago. It was not a question of proposals and  <br>  <br> conferences. It was a <br>  <br> question of inventing <br>  <br> operations which, with the backing of key countries,  <br>  <br> could eventually lead to <br>  <br> NATO's active <br>  <br> engagement \"out of area\", and thus to its own  <br>  <br> renovation.  <br><br> The Eastward Expansion of NATO <br><br> NATO had never carried out a formal study on the  <br>  <br> enlargement of the alliance <br>  <br> until quite recently, <br>  <br> when the Working Group on NATO Enlargement issued its  <br>  <br> report. No doubt there <br>  <br> were internal <br>  <br> classified studies, but nothing is known of their  <br>  <br> content to outsiders.  <br><br> Despite the lack of clear analysis, however, the engines  <br>  <br> for moving things <br>  <br> forward were working <br>  <br> hard from late 1991. At the end of that year, NATO  <br>  <br> created the North Atlantic <br>  <br> Cooperation <br>  <br> Council. NATO member nations then invited 9 Central and  <br>  <br> East European countries <br>  <br> to join the <br>  <br> NACC in order to begin fostering cooperation between the  <br>  <br> NATO powers and former <br>  <br> members of <br>  <br> the Warsaw Pact.  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<br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><\/p>\n","contact":"","link":"","address":"","phone":"","parent_id":0,"mime_type":"text\/plain","summary":"from a 1996 paper detailing the real purposes for NATO expansion, and a look at the economic system forcing this tactic.","numcomment":0,"fileurl":"\/uploads\/2001\/08\/why_is_nat.txt","filesize":"54.2 kibibytes","article_url":"\/news\/2001\/08\/9382.php"},"attachments":[],"comments":[]}