As the Bush administration comes under increasing fire for its decision to attack Iraq, the Democratic contender, John F. Kerry, is profiting from his perceived status as a critic of Bush’s foreign policy. A patrician grandee with a pleasing mix of liberal and patriotic views might seem to many Americans a welcome relief from the bellicose Texan with his faux swagger and his team of men who seem to have ‘military-industrial complex’ written across their menacing foreheads. But if anti-war Americans do elect Kerry for that reason, they will have duped themselves. Warmongering will be worse under Kerry than under Bush, and real peaceniks should therefore vote for Dubya.
The London Spectator (UK)
April 10, 2004
If it’s war you want, vote Kerry
John Laughland shows that the Democratic contender is
more hawkish than Bush, and may appeal to the neocons
this November
As the Bush administration comes under increasing fire
for its decision to attack Iraq, the Democratic
contender, John F. Kerry, is profiting from his
perceived status as a critic of Bush’s foreign policy.
A patrician grandee with a pleasing mix of liberal and
patriotic views might seem to many Americans a welcome
relief from the bellicose Texan with his faux swagger
and his team of men who seem to have
‘military-industrial complex’ written across their
menacing foreheads. But if anti-war Americans do elect
Kerry for that reason, they will have duped
themselves. Warmongering will be worse under Kerry
than under Bush, and real peaceniks should therefore
vote for Dubya.
Bush and Kerry agree on almost everything in foreign
policy, but where they disagree, Kerry is more
hawkish. In an indication of the extent of the
militarisation of American political life, John Kerry
launched his campaign for the presidency specifically
by profiling himself as a Vietnam war hero, and by
presenting George Bush as a draft-dodger and a coward.
Kerry’s subsequent statements on foreign policy and
homeland security have continued to attack Bush as a
wet. Kerry said in February, ‘I do not fault George
Bush for doing too much in the war on terror. I
believe he’s done too little.’
Kerry has committed himself to ‘a stronger, more
comprehensive strategy for winning the war on terror
than the Bush administration has ever envisioned’ (my
italics throughout). Those Americans who are
uncomfortable with George Bush’s Patriot Act, and the
Department of Homeland Security, should blanch at John
Kerry’s proposals to enlist the National Guard in
Homeland Security and to ‘break down the old barriers
between national intelligence and local law
enforcement’. Such barriers are precisely what
distinguish free societies from dictatorships. Kerry
seems even more obsessed than Bush with weapons of
mass destruction, as he is constantly harping on about
the danger of WMD being delivered through American
ports.
Kerry voted for the war on Iraq and continues to
support it wholeheartedly. He said last December that
those who continue to oppose the war ‘don’t have the
judgment to be president -- or the credibility to be
elected president’. Kerry does not even say that Bush
has jeopardised US security by attacking Iraq instead
of facing down the al-Qa’eda threat: he is not Richard
Clarke. Instead, Kerry says, ‘No one can doubt that we
are safer -- and Iraq is better -- because Saddam
Hussein is now behind bars.’ On 17 December last year,
Kerry lent credence to the loony theory that Iraq was
the author of the 9/11 attacks, something George Bush
has done at least twice. Yet in February, Kerry
attacked Bush for planning to hand back power to the
Iraqis too quickly -- what he called ‘a cut and run
strategy’ -- even though Bush intends the US embassy
in Iraq to be the biggest American embassy in the
world, and even though some 110,000 US troops are to
remain stationed there indefinitely.
Above all, John Kerry is, like Bush, committed to the
world military supremacy of the USA. ‘We must never
retreat from having the strongest military in the
world,’ says the possible future president. Kerry
claims that George Bush has actually ‘weakened’ the
military, and so he has promised 40,000 more
active-duty army troops. Indeed, Kerry, who drum-beats
his ‘readiness to order direct military action’
whenever necessary, has gone so far as to imply that
friendly countries might need to be attacked in the
war on terror. In February he said, ‘We can’t wipe out
terrorist cells in places like Sweden, Canada, Spain,
the Philippines or Italy just by dropping in Green
Berets.’
John Kerry has tried to give off a reassuringly
multilateralist aura, and he says Bush has alienated
America’s allies. This may be why some people believe
him to be less of a warmonger. But they are wrong.
First, Bush is himself avowedly multilateralist: the
Bush White House seldom misses an opportunity to
emphasise his faith in multilateral institutions and
international alliances, to boast of how many
countries there are in the coalition against terror,
or to claim that the Iraq war was necessary to save
the credibility of the United Nations. Second, Kerry
himself vigorously rejects the idea that US military
action can be subject to a UN veto. In December, Kerry
attacked his then contender, Howard Dean, on this very
issue, and in February he said, ‘As president, I will
not wait for a green light from abroad when our safety
is at stake.’ Even Kerry’s commitment to ‘a bold,
progressive internationalism’ is in fact identical to
George Bush’s repeated commitments to ‘keep open the
path of progress’ in the ‘global democratic
revolution’, and to provide ‘leadership’ in the
‘defence of freedom’. Both Bush and Kerry genuflect to
the memory of the same Democratic presidents, Woodrow
Wilson and Franklin Roosevelt.
Kerry is actually more hawkish than Bush about the
threat from Islam in general, and about Saudi Arabia
in particular. Both of these are favourite
neoconservative themes. While Bush has often
emphasised that America has no quarrel with Islam,
Kerry happily speaks about the specific danger to the
USA from the Islamic world, using language which is
not substantially different from that in the latest
neo-con manifesto, An End to Evil by Richard Perle and
David Frum. Kerry explicitly lists certain populations
as representing a special danger to America -- Saudi
Arabians, Egyptians, Jordanians, Palestinians,
Indonesians and Pakistanis -- and he reproaches George
Bush’s own grandiose plan to ‘democratise’ the entire
Middle East not for its overweening ambition, but
instead for its timidity. Kerry has attacked the Bush
administration for adopting a ‘kid gloves’ approach to
the Saudi kingdom, which he has repeatedly accused of
complicity in the funding of Islamic extremism and
terror, and he has said the Saudi interior minister is
guilty of ‘hate speech’ and of promoting ‘wild
anti-Semitic conspiracy theories’. This recalls Frum
and Perle’s surprising classification of Saudi Arabia
as ‘an unfriendly power’.
Serious neocons, indeed, might be calculating that the
bungling Bush is now more of a liability than an asset
for their desire to remodel the Middle East, and to
consolidate America’s unchallenged military power in
the world. Kerry might be just what they need, in
order to draw the sting of that left-wing
anti-Americanism around the world, and in the US
itself, which inspires so much antiwar feeling today.
The Kosovo war showed that a war for human rights and
against oppression, fought by a slick Democrat, plays
far better with world public opinion than all that
red-neck bull about dangers to national security. It
will be far easier for President Kerry to fight new
wars than for the mistrusted and discredited Bush. So
to those who think that the election of a Democratic
president will put an end to American militarism, I
say, ‘You ain’t seen nothin’ yet.’
© 2004 The Spectator.co.uk
www.spectator.co.uk/article.php?table=oldÂÂ...
Original: If it’s war you want, vote Kerry