Mr. President, have you no shame?

'What Happened to Conservatives?'

Anyone who doubts the imperial goals and ambitions of the neocon influenced administration should look no further than their own website: http://www.newamericancentury.org. Click on the “Statement of Principles,” read the message which is an intellectual defense of American imperialism, and then look at the signatories at the bottom of the page. It is chilling:

Elliott Abrams, Gary Bauer, William J. Bennett, Jeb Bush,, Dick Cheney, Eliot A. Cohen, Midge Decter, Paula Dobriansky, Steve Forbes, Aaron Friedberg, Francis Fukuyama, Frank Gaffney, Fred C. Ikle, Donald Kagan, Zalmay Khalilzad, I. Lewis Libby, Norman Podhoretz, Dan Quayle, Peter W. Rodman, Stephen P. Rosen, Henry S. Rowen, Donald Rumsfeld, Vin Weber, George Weigel, Paul Wolfowitz.

The statement of goals is a virtual roadmap for our invasion of Iraq underwritten by many of the prime movers of the Iraq conflict. Now note the date of the publication: JUNE 3, 1997. Sorry, this imperialistic argument predates 9/11 (which supposedly was the trigger that “changed everything” about US foreign policy by more than five years).

As for the means to achieve their ends, look no further than the Valerie Plame affair where a CIA agent was “outed” for political reasons. I would hope that under Reagan, Bush Sr., or possibly a McCain, that we would have seen outrage at the level of the Presidency. Sadly, we saw bureaucratic cover-up instead of Presidential outrage directed at a dangerous and criminal disclosure of an undercover agent in the CIA.

And as for the national debt, please. Our Republican Party has outdone the worst of the Democrat taxers and spenders, all the while smugly touting the lie about which party overspends. When Reagan spent on defense, we knew why he was doing it. I defy anyone to justify the spending habits of the neocon-influenced administration on any grounds other than the stated imperialistic goals. What happened to the blunt but honest style of Reagan? Does anyone miss it?

I keep waiting for the right person and the right moment to say: Mr. President, have you no shame?

-----------------------------------

The Project for the New American Century

Statement of Principles

June 3, 1997

American foreign and defense policy is adrift. Conservatives have criticized the incoherent policies of the Clinton Administration. They have also resisted isolationist impulses from within their own ranks. But conservatives have not confidently advanced a strategic vision of America's role in the world. They have not set forth guiding principles for American foreign policy. They have allowed differences over tactics to obscure potential agreement on strategic objectives. And they have not fought for a defense budget that would maintain American security and advance American interests in the new century.

We aim to change this. We aim to make the case and rally support for American global leadership.

As the 20th century draws to a close, the United States stands as the world's preeminent power. Having led the West to victory in the Cold War, America faces an opportunity and a challenge: Does the United States have the vision to build upon the achievements of past decades? Does the United States have the resolve to shape a new century favorable to American principles and interests?

We are in danger of squandering the opportunity and failing the challenge. We are living off the capital -- both the military investments and the foreign policy achievements -- built up by past administrations. Cuts in foreign affairs and defense spending, inattention to the tools of statecraft, and inconstant leadership are making it increasingly difficult to sustain American influence around the world. And the promise of short-term commercial benefits threatens to override strategic considerations. As a consequence, we are jeopardizing the nation's ability to meet present threats and to deal with potentially greater challenges that lie ahead.

We seem to have forgotten the essential elements of the Reagan Administration's success: a military that is strong and ready to meet both present and future challenges; a foreign policy that boldly and purposefully promotes American principles abroad; and national leadership that accepts the United States' global responsibilities.

Of course, the United States must be prudent in how it exercises its power. But we cannot safely avoid the responsibilities of global leadership or the costs that are associated with its exercise. America has a vital role in maintaining peace and security in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. If we shirk our responsibilities, we invite challenges to our fundamental interests. The history of the 20th century should have taught us that it is important to shape circumstances before crises emerge, and to meet threats before they become dire. The history of this century should have taught us to embrace the cause of American leadership.

Our aim is to remind Americans of these lessons and to draw their consequences for today. Here are four consequences:

* we need to increase defense spending significantly if we are to carry out our global responsibilities today and modernize our armed forces for the future;

* we need to strengthen our ties to democratic allies and to challenge regimes hostile to our interests and values;

* we need to promote the cause of political and economic freedom abroad;

* we need to accept responsibility for America's unique role in preserving and extending an international order friendly to our security, our prosperity, and our principles.

Such a Reaganite policy of military strength and moral clarity may not be fashionable today. But it is necessary if the United States is to build on the successes of this past century and to ensure our security and our greatness in the next.

Elliott Abrams Gary Bauer William J. Bennett Jeb Bush

Dick Cheney Eliot A. Cohen Midge Decter Paula Dobriansky Steve Forbes

Aaron Friedberg Francis Fukuyama Frank Gaffney Fred C. Ikle

Donald Kagan Zalmay Khalilzad I. Lewis Libby Norman Podhoretz

Dan Quayle Peter W. Rodman Stephen P. Rosen Henry S. Rowen

Donald Rumsfeld Vin Weber George Weigel Paul Wolfowitz