Robert Fisk of the Independent is writing a lot these days about the terrorism trap. His thesis is that the US is falling into one by responding in a very predictable manner. I found it very interesting to note that this thesis predates the current situation by a quite some time. Here Richard Barnett in the December 2, 1996 issue of The Nation an article titled: The Terrorism Trap.
The Terrorism Trap
by Richard J. Barnett
From the December 2, 1996 issue of The Nation.
The war on terrorism was a linchpin of Bill Clinton's
foreign policy rhetoric during his re-election campaign, and at
his first post-election press conference the President has
put it high on his list of international responsibilities.
In August at the Democratic convention the President
thundered against so-called rogue states that were out to spread
panic and destruction in the United States. A week later
the Administration proclaimed U.S. missile attacks on Iraq to
be a courageous blow against terrorism. At the United
Nations General Assembly Clinton called upon the members to
"isolate states that refuse to play by the rules we have all
accepted for civilized behavior." The Leader of the Free
World is recasting himself as Leader of the Civilized World.
The rhetoric is seductive. In a chaotic world for which the
United
States has yet to articulate clear goals, other than
opening up
economies everywhere to private investment, protecting
access to cheap
resources and staying top dog in the next century,
international
terrorism serves as the successor myth to International
Communism. The
idea that the Soviet Union was waging a relentless
worldwide struggle to
destroy "the American way of life" was critical for
enlisting public
support for almost fifty years of cold war. As easy as it
was in those
days to label even anti-Communist reformers as Bolsheviks
(Mossadegh in
Iran, for example), designating a brutal Middle Eastern or
African
government a rogue state is even easier because the
criteria are vague
and they are capriciously applied. (One would think that a
state that
has armed, trained, and supplied torturers in other
countries and
published manuals for assassins would qualify, but nowhere
on the State
Department's list of rogue states has the United States
ever appeared.)
The Clinton Adminstration, boasting of its unique role as
"sole
remaining superpower," seeks to legitimize its increasingly
unilateral
approach to foreign policy by proclaiming the United States
the global
avenger of terrorism.
The war on terrorism is being used not only to unite the
country behind
a confused foreign policy but also to polish the
President's image. Who
dares speak of youthful draft-dodging when the leader of
the civilized
world is hurling missiles at rogues in Iraq? Who has the
nerve to
question why the United States maintains a military force
far more
powerful than that of any conceivable combination of
enemies when there
are more than a half-dozen certifiable rogue states
threatening the
fragile order of the post-cold war world?
But encouraging a panic about international terrorism has
dangerous
consequences. The most obvious is that it creates a
receptive political
climate for curbing civil liberties. The country has
already been
sufficiently alarmed to enable Clinton and the Republican
Congress to
push through the Terrorism Prevention Act, a legislative
cocktail
boosting the powers of the federal government to exact the
death
penalty, limit appeals of convicts on death row, deport
suspect
foreigners and wiretap U.S. citizens--all in the name of
making us feel
safe.
It is worth remembering the extreme reactions to sporadic
violence that
dot our history. A few anarchist bombs sent in the mail to
prominent
citizens triggered the Palmer Raids of 1920, when abou t
4,000 people
were arrested in a single night, many without warrants. A
spate of
protests, unrest and bombings in the sixties and seventies
led to a
burst of domestic spying in the Kennedy, Johnson and Nixon
eras,
culminating in the infamous COINTELPRO, a vast illegal
intelligence
operation aimed at the left, the Black Panthers and those
who opposed
the Vietnam War. Public fear of unpredictable violence has
been used by
political leaders again and again to justify centralization
of
authority, stripping away of citizens' rights, surveillance
and
executions. Even as both major-party cadidates condemned
Big Government
and promised its disappearance, politicians in both parties
call for
still broader government powers and increased expenditure
to fight the
global war on terrorism.
A second consequence of the Clinton anti-terrorism
posture--it scarcely
deserves to be called a policy--is that it isolates the
United States.
As the Adminstration proclaims its duty to act alone
against rogue
states, it is infuriating other countries whose help is
needed for any
serious effort to reduce the risks of terrorist attacks
around the
world. The unilateral decision to punish Iraq has resulted
in a collapse
of the coalition that was supposed to guarantee the good
behavior of
Saddam Hussein. The heavy-handed measures recently enacted
to compel
unwilling allied governments and foreign corporations to
enforce U.S.
anti-Cuba policy is already making it harder to secure
international
cooperation to discourage and punish acts of terrorism.
But the most disturbing aspect of Clinton's handling of the
terrorism
issue is that the President is giving a hyped version of
reality, one
that is at odds with the Adminstration's own published
reports. True,
deliberate acts of violence designated as being "against
U.S. interests"
abroad rose from sixty-six to ninety-nine from 1994 to
1995, and the
number of U.S. citizens killed in such attacks jumped from
four to
twelve. Yet according to the State Department's most recent
annual
report, "Patterns of Global Terrorism," published this past
April,
worldwide deaths due to acts of international terrorism
have in recent
years declined, from 314 in 1994 to 165 in 1995.
The report find no evidence that North Korea has sponsored
attacks since 1987. Syria, although it "has permitted
Iranian resupply of Hezbollah via Damascus" and "provides safe
haven and support" for several terrorist groups, has not
been directly involved in planning or carrying out any attacks
for the past ten years. Hafez Assad's regime "continues to
restrain the international activities of some of these
groups." Nor has Cuba been known to sponsor any international
terrorist incidents in 1995. The report concludes that
except for Iran, the "premier sponsor of international
terrorsism", the other rogue states largely refrained from planning,
supporting or executing acts of terrorism. Phil Wilcox,
State Department coordinator for anti-terrorist attacks,
points out that the "long-term trend towards a reduction in
international terrorism continues." But Cuba, Iran, Iraq,
Libya, North Korea, Sudan and Syria remain on the official list
of countries supporting "state terrorism."
No evidence has been produced or even alleged to exist that
a foreign
government was involved in the three most publicized
explosions of the
past two years in which U.S. civilians were killed: the
Oklahoma City
bombing, the downing of T.W.A. flight 800 (if it was a
deliberate act)
and the bomb that went off at the Olympics in Atlanta.
Saudi Arabian
officials claim to have hard evidence of Iran's complicity
in the June
bombing of a U.S. military housing complex in Dhahran, in
which nineteen
members of the Air Force were killed, but according to the
Washington
Post, U.S. officials are skeptical because the Saudis have
not fully
shared the details of their investigation with the F.B.I.
The Saudi
government appears to be manipulating the information to
serve its
domestic political purposes. Five days before this fall's
elections
Defense Secretary William Perry declared, "We have reached
no
conclusions about who was responsible."
The State Department contends that the isolation of rogue
states and
increasing international cooperation to apprehend,
extradite and punish
perpetrators of political violence is responsible for the
decline over
the decade in state-sponsored terrorism against U.S.
interests. There
may be something to this, although the more likely
explanation is that
in the post-cold war world even unfriendly governments see
no advantage
in stirring up the United States. Iran still has a policy
of supporting
Hezbollah operations and of assassinating dissidents living
abroad, but
neither U.S. condemnation nor sanctions have deterrred the
regime from
stepping up its efforts.
Like many other activites in the post-cold war world,
terrorism is being
privatized. The evidence supports the view that very few
bombers of
public places are now in the service of governments--fewer,
certainly,
than in the cold war years. They may work ofr a political
movement, a
crime ring, or as more of them are claiming, for God.
Practitioners of
violence increasingly work for religious sects and
political movements
(largely ethnic and mostly on the right). The private
market in
conventional weapons has greatly expanded. The Internet
offers
instructions in conventional bomb-making to all users. The
Anarchist
Cookbook explains that "making a bomb capable of blowing
the walls
out of a building is easy. You can find what you need in
grocery stores,
hardwares stores and farm supplies."
President Clinton's message about terrorism is that the
problem is of
foreign origin. But in fact most of the acts of random
violence that
victimize Americans are committed not by dark-skinned
foreigners in ski
masks but by fellow citizens. Over the past ten years
bombings and
attempted bombings in the United States have nearly
tripled, increasing
from 1,103 in 1985 to 3,163 in 1994. The targets are
political or
racial. The New York Times reported in August the over the
preceeding two months "white, lower-middle class suburban
people in
Georgia, Arizona and Washington" were arrested as
perpetrators or
attempted perpetrators. The rash of bombings of black
churches over the
past two years sends a clear racist message. In Spokane,
Washington, a
Planned Parenthood office was bombed, and across the West a
variety of
government buildings occupied by the hated Forest Service,
Bureau of
Land Management and Internal Revenue Service have been
attacked.
Some of our home-grown terrorists belong to militias or
other
gun-worshipping organizations. These groups have a variety
of agendas:
They don't like gun control. They don't like the federal
government
messing with their land, or land they think should be
theirs. They don't
like paying taxes. They don't like abortions. They hate
black people,
Jews, gays, foreigners. They are energized by violence.
They have a holy
mission.
The shadowy figures who set off bombs in airplanes, office
buildings and
shopping malls have succeeded in introducing all sorts of
people to the
possibility of their own sudden death. But shoppers and
airline
passengers face negligible dangers compared with the daily
risks of
living in crime-ridden, despairing neighborhoods in which
there are no
jobs. The President would rather talk about Qaddafi, Castro
and the
mullahs in Iran, however, than deal with the causes of the
violence,
hopelessness and fear that prevail in neighborhoods a few
blocks from
the White House. If he wants to revive decaying inner
cities he has to
acknowledge that they will not be lifted up by either the
Internet or
global trade.
What constitutes a reasonable strategy to discourage or
prevent terrorist acts is not a technical question. It is a
political questions that involves the weighing of risks and
interests. How much freedom and privacy should be sacrificed
in the name of security? That should be a prime subject for
pbublic debate rather than a decision arrived at in secret
negotiations between governments, police, airlines and
makers of sophisticated bomb-detection systems.
We need a less superficial and biased understanding of the
problem we
label as terrorism, a calmer assessment of of how much of a
threat it is
and a more serious effort to understand its causes. For
starters, we
need a much less fuzzy definition. Guerilla attacks,
political
assassinations, bombings and kidnappings are lumped
together even though
their causes and objectives may be very different, as are
strategies for
discouraging them. The United States fired missiles at Iraq
for
mistreating people living within its borders and for
violating a U.N.
resolution; at least a hundred other countries qualify
under this weak
justification for bombing.
Hyped rhetoric, though it may serve the President's
purposes, does
nothing to discourage attacks. Indeed, as the Economist has
observed, "The whole point of the terrorist act is to
provoke a reaction
disproportionate to the act itself." The more panic a
terrorist bomb
sets off, the greater the success. Hamas's triumph in the
recent Israeli
election, when it provoked the downfall of Shimon Peres, is
a classic
example.
For a terrorist group with one consuming passion (as in
Hamas's
determination to derail the Middle East peace process),
violence is an
effective weapon because the panic it creates can change
public
attitudes in ways that serve the group's goals. But a
state, however
heavily armed, is at a disadvantage when it lashes out
violently in
response. Airstrikes and economic sanctions are blunt
instruments that
neither punish the planners and perpetrators of terrorist
acts, who know
how to fade into the night, nor discourage further
violence. Both are
far more likely to hurt innocent people and fuel murderous
rage against
governments reacting in such a manner. Assassination
attempts invite
retaliation in kind even when they do not succeed, and
they expose the
emptiness of claims to moral leadership. Exactly because
the United
States is so powerful, so wealthy and (because of our
extraordinary
dependence on complex technology) so vulnerable to
politically inspired
violence, the Administration should be promoting policies
that would
make the establishment of a genuine rule of law a real
possibility. Of
all nations, the United States has the most to gain in the
long run from
delegitimizing violence as an instrument of political
change.
But pushing an anti-terrorist policy that seeks to break
the cycle of
violence would mean that the United States could no longer
set its own
rules or commit acts on the territory of other nations we
would brand as
terrorism were they to take place on our own.
Another Inauguration Day approaches, and the country badly
needs a more
effective policy, one that better fits reality:
State-sponsored
terrorism from abroad is declining. Ideologically tinged
home-grown
violence is growing. Our national security policy, based
overwhelmingly
on the threat and use of violence, not only legitimizes the
violence of
terrorists in their own eyes, and in the eyes of their
supporters, it
also advertises the impotence of the United States. The
overwhelming
emphasis on instruments of violence as moral, acceptable,
indeed
inevitable, guarantors of security creates a
self-perpetuating culture
of violence and insecurity.
By continuing to spread weapons around the world, the
United States and
its competitors in the arms trade are expanding the
opportunities for
anyone with a grievance to bring death, destruction and
terror to random
victims anywhere, including here. By ignoring the
opportunity to achieve
significant nuclear and conventional disarmament that the
end of the
cold war provides, the United States is signalling that
despite the
weakness of military adversaries, we will continue to base
our security
on the greatest preponderance of military power the world
has ever
known.
A demonstration by the United States of a serious
willingness to
eliminate nuclear weapons could jolt the world into a
radical reversal
of the arms race. Were the next administration to make
dramatic
moves--not just promises--to reduce our dependency on
violence in the
name of security, it would have an electrifying impact
around the world.
The comprehensive test ban, signed in September after
almost forty years
of negotiation, could have been the key to a new era of
disarmament had
it been preceded by radical cuts in nuclear stockpiles. It
still may not
be too late. Would it end "terrorism" as the State
Department defines
it? No. But it would help create a climate for a lessening
of political
violence.
As for domestic terrorism, the conservatives' relentless
bashing of
government and the foolish decision of most Democrats to
run away from
the opportunity to debate what it is and what it ought to
be--giving
bipartisan credibility to the absurd notion that government
is something
to demean and hate--create a hospitable political culture
for violent,
anarchist fantasies. Ever since the Oklahoma City bombing,
pursuit of
the militias by federal authorities is looking more and
more like
another exercise in investigative overkill. In its zeal to
prevent
terrorism it appears that the government is increasingly
basing
indictments on what suspects say rather than what they do,
and that
government informants may be encouraging them to engage in
criminal
conspiracy. All this strengthens the views of the
militiamen that they
have found the right enemy. Armed with the Terrorism
Prevention Act, the
Clinton Administration, in the name of national security,
strikes out
ineffectually abroad and at home hacks away at our historic
freedoms.
Original: The Terrorism Trap